The Bar For Climate Ambition Is Set By Science, Not Congressional Politics
Originally published by Union of Concerned Scientists, The Equation.
By Julie McNamara, senior energy analyst with the Climate & Energy program at the Union of Concerned Scientists
In April 2021, President Biden committed the United States to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions 50 to 52 percent below 2005 levels by 2030, in line with science-informed targets, in line with the collective hunt to keep global warming below 2 degrees C, in line with the fight, the fight, the global fight to beat back the worst of climate impacts we could see.
Ever since, the scramble has been on for our nation to advance the charge.
Because while President Biden’s commitment to robust climate action is critical to setting the forward course, words alone will not guarantee progress. Wish as we might, we will not whoopsie-pie our way into the Great Decarbonized Place.
We need actual action.
We need actual policy, actual progress, actual change, commensurate with the level of action these climate targets require. And they will require a lot, as new modeling makes clear:
Credit: Rhodium Group, Pathways to Paris (October 2021)
Precisely because the present emissions gap is so great, we cannot solely lean on the incredible progress enabled by leading states, localities, businesses, and individuals. To truly bend the curve, we need federal action, too.
And that is what makes the repeated and escalating broadsides to the climate integrity of the Build Back Better Act — foremost among them attacks on the Clean Electricity Performance Program (CEPP) — so infuriating.
Because no matter what words are spun, what justifications are launched, we will still need to make up the gap. So for every measure of weakening Congress allows, for every degree of ambition our lawmakers abandon, it will simply make the hard task harder, placing a heavier burden on all the other efforts we need to make.
The Build Back Better Act as a chance for change
There was never going to be one legislative package to resolve the path to 2030 and beyond — not least because action will be required across all facets of government, not just Congress. But the Build Back Better Act (also referred to as the budget reconciliation package) was set up to advance climate action — along with so much else — at a level of ambition not previously seen, finally showing Congress going beyond its long-favored realm of tinkering at the edges to enact climate policies that would actually drive path-shifting, curve-bending change.
This is the type of ambition we’ve been waiting for; this is the type of ambition we need.
And this is the type of ambition that fossil fuel interests cannot abide.
So here we are now, staring down significant and multifaceted attacks to the very heart of that ambition, primarily through threats to the CEPP — which would spur the power sector to swiftly transition to clean sources — but also from additional threats to broader programmatic budgets and ambitions.
While compromise is par for the course, legislators cannot capitulate when it comes to including policies that enable major change. So for every cut, for every slash, they must answer: If not this, then what? Because we need major change.
Meeting 2030 targets hinges on power sector transition
To get climate action on track, emissions reductions will need to be drawn from all parts of the economy, all the way from cars on the road to buildings and homes. The Build Back Better Act includes multiple major policies to advance these efforts.
But for the race to 2030 targets, foremost among all the rest is achieving swift, deep reductions from the nation’s electric power sector. This is the foundation upon which so much else of our climate progress will be built, because the end goal for much of what runs on fossil fuels in our economy today is for it to run on electricity tomorrow — and that electricity must be clean.
We need policy interventions to support that.
Because while the nation’s power sector has been undergoing a significant transition away from heavily polluting coal, progress has been uneven and far too much of what has come online to fill the gaps has been still-polluting gas. The country is still hovering at 60 percent fossil fuels in its electricity mix, and coal generation is projected to increase, not decrease, this year.
To address this, policies can do two things: boost the good, and limit the bad.
We need both. We need both because while the former is vital to clean energy deployment, it studiously avoids antagonizing the fossil fuel-fired status quo, and history makes clear that fossil fuel interests will not voluntarily undertake this mission on their own.
This is the reason that the threat of the CEPP falling out of the Build Back Better Act is so significant. It’s not that there aren’t multiple additional policies that will help to spur clean electricity deployment in the bill—there are, and they are incredible, from updated and broadened tax incentives to support for transitioning fossil fuel assets — it’s that the CEPP includes targets, and the CEPP includes sticks.
Without the CEPP, renewables would still be cheap, but they might not be evenly — or sufficiently — deployed, and too many utilities are at risk of sticking too tightly to coal and gas. And that could lead to a non-trivial erosion of the emissions reduction potential of the legislation, as estimated by multiple recent analyses.
So if the CEPP falls out, what comes next?
Within the Build Back Better Act, Congress can approximate the same power sector intent from other types of programs that similarly support both sides of this transition, i.e., toward renewables and away from polluting fossil fuels. It can also look elsewhere to achieve deeper cuts in other sectors.
But it would be a heavy lift. And all the more so if other major initiatives in the Build Back Better Act fall out, from critical environmental justice initiatives to the robust clean energy tax incentives to the methane fee, which the fossil fuel industry is doing everything in its power to unwind.
And otherwise? It’s on to other actors, and a heavier burden for each.
If not this, then what?
No matter what happens with the Build Back Better Act, to reach the 2030 climate targets set by President Biden, the country will need to bring every lever to bear, from states, localities, and businesses to the federal government, Congress and the administration both, and the country will need to look to every economic sector for gains, and the country will need to sustain these efforts throughout the years to come. Any less in one area means more required by the rest.
Recent modeling by Rhodium Group supports this finding, making clear that a forward path exists even if the CEPP falls out. But it would require even more progress by leading states, and rapid action by the Environmental Protection Agency and other federal agencies across multiple sectors, from standards limiting new, unmitigated gas-fired power plants to near-term coverage of refineries and other major emitters.
Much as fossil fuel interests might wish it, undermining one major tool for climate action doesn’t make the problem go away — it just forces taking other, often more difficult, ways.
We do not have time for craven capitulation to inaction. It’s time to make the leap.
Featured image courtesy of NASA. When launched, the TROPICS satellites will work together to provide near-hourly microwave observations of a storm’s precipitation, temperature, and humidity. The mission is expected to help scientists understand the factors driving tropical cyclone intensification and to improve forecasting models. Credits: NASA
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Environment
Aptera (SEV) shows off assembly line for solar electric ‘car’, updates on battery and testing
Solar electric vehicle startup Aptera Motors released a new update today, giving us a first look at its validation vehicle assembly line, along with progress on battery production and efficiency testing as it moves closer to its goal of low-volume production.
The update comes just weeks after the company began trading on the Nasdaq under the ticker symbol $SEV.
The move, along with a deal to sell some shares, secured access to up to $75 million in financing for Aptera, which was struggling financially.
It enabled Aptera to get busy, and now the company has released an update about its progress over the last few weeks.
You can watch the full update video here:
On the personnel front, highlighting an expanded team across engineering, operations, and manufacturing. In the video, several new hires introduced themselves, including directors of supply chain and various engineers, signaling that the company is trying to staff up for the next phase.
But the meat of the update is on the manufacturing floor.
Aptera’s Validation Assembly Line
Steve Fambro, Aptera’s co-CEO, walked us through the facility, which he says is now “buzzing with activity”, with a few interesting time-lapse videos that showed progress.
The company has begun the buildout of its validation vehicle assembly line.
Unlike the hand-assembled prototypes we’ve seen in the past, Aptera says this new setup is designed to operate as a “normal vehicle manufacturing line” with a multi-step process. This includes receiving, inventory, kitting, and progressive installation of vehicle systems at individual stations.
At the heart of this new line is a large-scale precision assembly fixture. This is a critical piece of equipment for Aptera’s unique two-piece composite body structure.
Fambro explained the importance of this fixture:
“It’s a major step forward from the original hand-assembled approach we used on the BinC (Body in Carbon) for the first three validation vehicles. With this new fixture, we can now assemble BinCs with far greater repeatability and tighter control over final geometry.”
We also got a look at the frames, which Aptera says are robust and optimized for weight and strength.
Battery Production and ‘Gemini’ Testing
Another significant update is the battery assembly. Aptera’s battery partner, CTNS, is now on-site building battery modules.
This is the first time CTNS has assembled modules directly in Aptera’s facility. The video shows what look to be clean, precise modules ready for integration. This is a good sign for the supply chain, as the battery pack is often a major bottleneck for EV startups.
On the testing front, Aptera has been conducting internal efficiency evaluations with “Gemini,” its third production-intent vehicle.
The company claims preliminary results from combined drive cycles (high speed, stop-and-go, urban) are “encouraging.” They plan to move to more formal regulatory testing soon with the new and bigger fleet of validation vehicles.
Electrek’s Take
This is a nice progress update from Aptera. I am cautiously starting to get hope that Aptera might end up delivering a few of these vehicles.
Now, let’s be honest, there’s still a lot of work to do. The assembly line that Aptera showed today is clearly a work in progress.
$75 million might sound like a lot, but it’s nothing in the automotive manufacturing industry.
The question remains whether that capital will be enough to get them through this validation phase and into meaningful low-volume production.
As a disclosure, I have a small amount of Aptera shares from the crowdfunding days. I’ve always said I don’t see a significant chance of success, but I wish it, as I love the company’s ethos of efficiency.
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![Kia previews the EV2, its most affordable electric vehicle yet [Images]](https://i0.wp.com/electrek.co/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2025/12/Kia-EV2-teaser-affordable-EV.jpeg?resize=1200,628&quality=82&strip=all&ssl=1)
With its official debut just around the corner, Kia offered a closer look at the EV2. The new electric SUV will be Kia’s smallest, most affordable EV to date.
Kia confirms the EV2 will debut as its most affordable EV
Kia confirmed that the EV2, its new electric B-segment SUV, will debut at the Brussels Motor Show next month. The EV2 will sit below the EV3 as Kia’s new entry-level electric car.
“With the EV2, we reaffirm our commitment to make electric mobility truly accessible to a broader audience – without compromise,” Kia Europe president and CEO, Marc Hedrich, said on Tuesday.
The EV2 will be built at Kia’s sole European manufacturing plant in Zilina, Slovakia, to speed up production and deliveries.
Designed, developed, and soon to be made in Europe, Kia is confident that the EV2 will play a “pivotal role” in the shift to cleaner, more sustainable travel.
Although it’s the smallest EV in its lineup, Kia promises it won’t feel like it when you’re inside. The interior design is inspired by “a picnic in the city,” according to Kia, with flexible seating and smart storage options that can open up to create a retreat from the busy city life.
Kia has yet to reveal prices or final specs, but given the EV3 is around 4,300 mm (169.3″) long, the EV2 is expected to be slightly shorter at about 4,000 mm (157″).
That’s about the length of the Hyundai Inster (3,825 mm). However, previous spy shots show the EV2 has a more upright stance than the Inster, closer to Kia’s larger SUVs, like the EV9 and EV5.
The EV3 is on sale in Europe, starting at about €36,000 ($42,000), so EV2 prices will likely start at closer to €30,000 ($35,000).
Based on Hyundai’s E-GMP platform, the Kia EV3 is available with 58.3 kWh and 81.4 kWh battery options, providing a WLTP range of 410 km (255 miles) and 560 km (348 miles), respectively. The EV2 is likely to be offered with similar battery pack options.
Kia will unveil the EV2 during a press conference on Friday, January 9, 2026, starting at 10:40 am (CET). Check back for more info leading up to the event. We’ll keep you updated with the latest.
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Tesla appears to be preparing to introduce yet another new camera sensor to its hardware suite, according to code found in the automaker’s latest firmware. While hardware improvements are generally good news, this latest discovery adds to the mounting evidence that Tesla is continuously moving the goalposts for self-driving, potentially leaving millions of owners with “older” hardware in the dust… again.
The discovery comes from longtime Tesla hacker and researcher @greentheonly, who frequently digs into Tesla’s software updates to find unannounced features and hardware changes.
According to Green, Tesla’s firmware now references a new sensor model: IMX00N.
Looks like Tesla is changing (upgrading?) cameras in (some?) new cars produced.
Where as HW4 to date used exterior cameras with IMX963, now they (might potentially) have something called IMX00N.
This would ostensibly replace or complement the Sony IMX963 sensors currently used in Hardware 4.0 (AI4) vehicles. The IMX963 is the 5-megapixel sensor that replaced the 1.2-megapixel Aptina sensors found in Hardware 3 cars just two years ago.
We don’t have the specifications for the “IMX00N” yet. It could be a custom Sony SKU for Tesla or a placeholder name for a new image sensor.
Here are the specs comparisons between the camera sensors in HW3 and AI4 Tesla vehicles:
| Specification | Hardware 3.0 (HW3) | Hardware 4.0 (AI4) | Technical Implication |
| Sensor Resolution | 1.2 Megapixels (1280 × 960) | ~5 Megapixels (2896 × 1876) | 4X Data Density. Allows detection of objects at >300m and digital cropping. |
| Sensor Model | Onsemi AR0136AT | Sony IMX490 (Estimated) | Flagship Automotive Sensor. Simultaneous HDR & LFM. |
| Color Filter Array | RCCC (Red-Clear-Clear-Clear) | RGGB (Red-Green-Green-Blue) | Semantic Fidelity. True color perception for signs, lights, and road markings. |
| Dynamic Range | ~110 dB | >120 dB (Single Exposure) | Contrast Mastery. No motion artifacts in tunnel exits or night driving. |
| Data Interface | FPD-Link III (Likely) | GMSL2 or MIPI A-PHY | High Bandwidth. Supports uncompressed 5MP streams at high frame rates. |
| Front Cameras | 3 (Main, Narrow, Wide) | 2 (Main, Wide) | Optical Simplification. Digital zoom replaces the physical telephoto lens. |
| Lens Coating | Standard | Deep Red IR Cut / Anti-Glare | Glare Mitigation. Reduces blinding from headlights and sun. |
| Heaters | Passive (Waste Heat) | Active Heating Elements | All-Weather Resilience. Rapid defogging and de-icing. |
| Retrofit | N/A | Impossible for HW3 cars | Fleet Fragmentation. HW3 cars are permanently hardware-limited. |
Electrek’s Take
Of course, you would expect Tesla to improve its vehicles, including its sensor suite, gradually. It is a good thing in and of itself.
There are three problems with Tesla updating its hardware suite for autonomous driving:
- It promised to all owners since 2016 that their vehicles have all the required hardware to achieve “Full Self-Driving,” and at the time, CEO Elon Musk said that it would mean “unsupervised self-driving.”
- It has yet to achieve that, and it promised to offer free hardware retrofit if needed, but it has yet to offer those.
- When Tesla launches a new autonomous driving hardware suite, it rapidly puts less effort into software that works with its previous hardware suite.
If the current cameras in HW4 (let alone HW3) are sufficient for Level 4 autonomy, why is Tesla spending resources to integrate a new sensor? The most logical answer is that the current sensors have limitations, whether it’s glare handling, low-light performance, or resolution, that limit the system’s reliability.
If that’s the case, can we expect Tesla to update all the vehicles that are supposed to have the hardware to reach level 4? I wouldn’t bet on it.
CEO Elon Musk already admitted that the HW3 computer won’t support it back in January 2025, almost a year ago, and instead of announcing a solution, Tesla owners were only promised a “mini version” of FSD v14, which itself is not the promised unsupervised self-driving.
At this point, it’s hard to put hope on Tesla doing the right thing here.
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