So news of two more big company demergers today, hot on the heels of the three-way break-up of 129-year-old US industrial giant General Electric announced on Wednesday, suggests that “doing the splits” is being looked at anew by company boards.
Toshiba, one of the best known companies in Japan, announced that it is breaking itself up – also splitting itself into three separate businesses.
The 146-year old company said one of the them would be focused on infrastructure, including products and services such as water treatment, trains, power turbines and nuclear-plant maintenance.
A second will be focused on electronic devices such as power semiconductors.
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The third business, which will retain the Toshiba name, will manage the company’s stake in the flash-memory company Kioxia Holdings and other assets.
The move follows an accounting scandal six years ago – after which activist shareholders urged the company to break itself up.
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The measure, however, may not go far enough with those investors that had wanted Toshiba to go private.
It received – and rejected – a takeover proposal in April from CVC, the private equity group, valuing it at $20bn.
Toshiba’s move attracted a good deal of interest since it has echoes of the GE announcement which, in turn, was at least partly inspired by similar moves two years ago by the German industrial stalwart Siemens.
Hot on the heels of that news came the announcement that Johnson & Johnson, the $429bn healthcare and consumer goods giant that is America’s 12th largest public company, is to split itself in two.
J&J, the world’s biggest healthcare company by both sales and market value, will hive off its consumer health business, the owner of brands such as Band-Aid, Listerine, Tylenol, Neutrogena and the eponymous Johnson’s baby oil, into a separate company.
The core J&J business will retain the company’s existing pharmaceuticals and medical devices businesses.
The consumer health business will be the smaller of the two but will still be a substantial company, with annual sales of $15bn a year, in its own right.
Like Toshiba, J&J has had a difficult few years, becoming embroiled in a costly legal battle with the US state of Oklahoma over its past sale of painkillers.
More recently it has been dogged by allegations – furiously denied – that its talcum powder caused cancer.
But Alex Gorsky, J&J’s chief executive, insisted that the demerger – due to take place during the next 18 to 24 months – was nothing to do with that.
He told the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story: “The best path forward to ensure sustainable growth over the long term and better meet patient and consumer demands is to have our consumer business operate as a separate healthcare company.”
As with Toshiba and GE, J&J is a stalwart of its country’s business scene.
It dates back some 135 years to when three brothers, Robert Wood Johnson, James Wood Johnson and Edward Mead Johnson, launched a business selling surgical dressings, supposedly after hearing a speech by the British surgeon and pathology and antisceptic pioneer Joseph Lister.
J&J sold the world’s first commercial first aid kits and the world’s first women’s sanitary products.
It moved into pharmaceuticals in 1959 and the more predictable cash flow from its consumer goods businesses helped finance research and development into the more up-and-down, but potentially more lucrative, drugs and medical devices businesses.
More recently, though, some investors have become unhappy at the relatively sluggish performance of the consumer goods arm.
Its sales rose by 1.1% last year while the pharmaceuticals arm grew by 8%.
Shareholders these days prefer to focus on specific sectors.
An investor in J&J seeking exposure to its pharmaceuticals business will not, necessarily, want exposure to its consumer goods arm.
Activist investors such as Elliott, ThirdPoint, ValueAct and Starboard are now mighty beasts in the investment world, unafraid to take on some of the world’s largest companies.
No chairman or chief executive wants to see them popping up on their shareholder register.
Taking pre-emptive action, for example a demerger, is one way of avoiding costly, draw-out and debilitating battles with such investors.
J&J’s move is also in keeping with those of other big pharmaceuticals companies.
The German drugs giant Merck sold its consumer healthcare business, which owned brands including the hay fever remedy Claritin and the sun tan lotion maker Coppertone, to Bayer seven years ago.
Pfizer announced at the end of 2018that it was merging its consumer healthcare business, the maker of Chapstick lip balm, Centrum multi-vitamins and Advil painkillers, with the consumer healthcare arm of Britain’s GlaxoSmithKline.
GSK emerged in effective control of the business and, in February last year, said it would demerge it.
That move effectively is the road that J&J now plans to go down.
But, as with GSK, it is not without risk.
Without the predictable cash flows of consumer healthcare products, the research and development arms of the stand-alone pharmaceuticals businesses will have to be more disciplined, channelling their resources only into work where a positive outcome can be guaranteed.
It was why Sir Andrew Witty, GSK’s former chief executive, always refused to break up the company.
His successor, Dame Emma Walmsley, decided something more radical was required.
Mr Gorsky, at J&J, has clearly reached the same conclusion.
One thing is clear: with three gigantic and storied companies – GE, Toshiba and J&J – all announcing break-ups within days of each other, demergers are very much back on the business agenda.
Restricting the number of tickets resellers can list to the maximum they are allowed to purchase on the primary market is another option being considered.
The proposed changes come after concert sales for artists including Taylor Swift were marred by professional touts reselling at heavily inflated prices.
Others have been caught out by a lack of transparency over the system of dynamic pricing, which left Oasis fans watching the cost of some standard tickets more than double from £148 to £355 as they waited in the queue.
Ministers have already promised a dynamic pricing review, with the latest measures aimed at stopping touts “hoarding tickets and reselling at heavily inflated prices”, the culture department said.
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There has long been concerns about rip-off ticket resales for events, with high-profile artists like Ed Sheeran pushing for more regulation.
According to analysis by the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), typical mark-ups on tickets sold second hand are more than 50%, while investigations by Trading Standards have uncovered evidence of seats going for up to six times their original price.
Last year, Virgin Media O2 estimated that ticket touts cost music fans an extra £145 million per year.
The proposals announced today will apply to music concerts, as well as live sport and other events, delivering on a Labour manifesto commitment to make the system fairer.
DJ Fatboy Slim said it was “great to see money being put back into fans pockets instead of resellers” and he is “fully behind” the proposals.
Dame Caroline Dinenage, the chair of the Culture, Media and Sport Committee, said the proposals “would go some way to help address the perverse incentives that are punishing music fans”.
However she urged ministers to go further and launch a fan-led review of music, to look at how the industry could better support struggling small venues and fledgling artists.
Other proposals under the ticket tout crackdown include new obligations so that resale platforms are legally responsible for the accuracy of what is advertised by third parties on their sites.
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‘Dynamic pricing’: What can be done?
Professional sellers often advertise false information about their identity or key details of the ticket, especially for events where the organiser has imposed restrictions on re-sales, a report by the CMA in 2021 found.
The watchdog has also raised concern about “speculative selling” – when touts advertise seats they haven’t yet bought, cash in on the proceeds upfront and hope to secure a ticket later to fulfil the order.
The government also wants to bring in stronger fines and a new licensing regime for re-sale platforms to increase enforcement of protections for consumers.
Trading Standards can already issue fines of up to £5,000 for ticketing rule breaches and the consultation will look into whether this cap should be increased.
Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy said: “The chance to see your favourite musicians or sports team live is something all of us enjoy and everyone deserves a fair shot at getting tickets – but for too long fans have had to endure the misery of touts hoovering up tickets for resale at vastly inflated prices.
“As part of our Plan for Change, we are taking action to strengthen consumer protections, stop fans getting ripped off and ensure money spent on tickets goes back into our incredible live events sector, instead of into the pockets of greedy touts.”
The chancellor is under pressure because financial market moves have pushed up the cost of government borrowing, putting Rachel Reeves’ economic plans in peril.
So what’s going on, and should we be worried?
What is a bond?
UK Treasury bonds, known as gilts because they used to literally have gold edges, are the mechanism by which the state borrows money from investors.
They pay a fixed annual return, known as a coupon, to the lender over a fixed period – five, 10 and 30 years are common durations – and are traded on international markets, which means their value changes even as the return remains fixed.
That means their true interest rate is measured by the ‘yield’, which is calculated by dividing the annual return by the current price. So when bond prices fall, the yield – the effective interest rate – goes up.
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And for the last three months, markets have been selling off UK bonds, pushing borrowing costs higher. This week the yield on 30-year gilts reached its highest level since 1998 at 5.37%, and 10-year gilts briefly hit a level last seen after the financial crisis, sparking jitters in markets and in Westminster.
Why are investors selling UK bonds?
Bond markets are influenced by many factors but the primary domestic pressure is the prospect of persistent inflation, with interest rates staying high for longer as a consequence.
Higher inflation reduces the purchasing power of the coupon, and higher interest rates make the bond less competitive because investors can now buy bonds paying a higher rate. Both of which apply in the UK.
Inflation remains higher than the Bank of England‘s 2% target and many large companies are warning of further price rises as tax and wage rises bite in the spring.
As a result, the Bank is now expected to cut rates only twice this year, as opposed to the four reductions priced in by markets as recently as November.
Nor is there much optimism that the economic growth promised by the chancellor will save the day in the short term, with business groups warning investment will be tempered by taxes.
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Sky News’ Ed Conway on the impact of increased long-term borrowing costs as they hit their highest level in the UK since 1998
Is the UK alone?
No. Bond markets are international and in recent months the primary influence has been rising borrowing costs in the US, triggered by Donald Trump’s re-election and the assumption that tariffs and other policies will be inflationary.
The UK is not immune from those forces, and other European nations including Germany and France, facing their own political gyrations, have seen costs rise too. (The US influence could yet increase if strong labour market figures on Friday reinforce the sense that rates will remain high).
But there are specific domestic factors, particularly the prospect of stagflation. The UK is also more reliant on overseas investors than other G7 nations, which means the markets really matter.
Why does it matter to Reeves?
The cost of borrowing affects not just the issuance of new debt but the price of maintaining existing loans, and it matters because these higher costs could erode the “headroom” Ms Reeves left herself in her budget.
Headroom is a measure of how much slack she has against her self-imposed fiscal rule, itself intended to reassure markets that the UK is a stable location for investment, to fund day-to-day spending entirely from tax revenue by 2029-30.
At the budget, she had just £9.9bn of headroom and some analysts estimate market pressure has eroded all but £1bn of that.
At the end of March the Office for Budget Responsibility will provide an update on the fiscal position and market conditions could change before then, but if they don’t then Ms Reeves may have to rewrite her plans.
The Treasury this week described the fiscal rules as “non-negotiable”, which leaves a choice between raising taxes or, more likely, cutting costs to make the numbers add up.
Why does it matter to the rest of us?
Persistently higher rates could push up consumer debt costs, increasing the burden of mortgages and other loans. Beyond that, the state of the economy matters to all of us.
The underlying challenges – persistent inflation, stagnant growth, worse productivity, ailing public services – are fundamental, and Labour has promised to address them.
Investment in infrastructure and new industries, spurred by planning and financial market reform, are all promised as medium-term solutions to the structural challenges. But politics, like financial markets, is a short-term business, and Ms Reeves could do with some relief, starting with helpful inflation and growth figures due next week.
Under his leadership, the union waged years of strike action over pay and conditions before accepting a deal with the new Labour government this summer.
The rail strikes by RMT members were part of the wave of industrial action that meant 2022 had the highest number of strike days since 1989.
Walkouts began in June 2022 and did not officially conclude until September 2024.
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“It has been a privilege to serve this union for over 30 years in all capacities, but now it is time for change,” Mr Lynch said.
He will remain in post until a successor is appointed in May, the RMT said.
Why’s he retiring?
No reason was given for his departure but Mr Lynch said there was a need for change and new workers to fight.
“There has never been a more urgent need for a strong union for all transport and energy workers of all grades, but we can only maintain and build a robust organisation for these workers if there is renewal and change,” he said.
“RMT will always need a new generation of workers to take up the fight for its members and for a fairer society for all”.
A career of organising
Mr Lynch first joined the RMT in 1993 after he began working for Eurostar. Before being elected secretary general at the top of the organisation he worked as the assistant general secretary for two terms and as the union’s national executive committee executive, also for two terms.
As a qualified electrician, Mr Lynch helped set up the Electrical and Plumbing Industries Union (EPIU) in 1988, before working for Eurostar and joining the RMT.
He had worked in construction and was blacklisted for joining a union.
“This union has been through a lot of struggles in recent years, and I believe that it has only made it stronger despite all the odds,” Mr Lynch said.