Combat medic Myroslav Mardarevych is hunched over a desk in the foyer of St Sophia Cathedral in central Kyiv.
He has just come from the frontline and is furiously writing down names on small pieces of paper. These slips are prayer submissions for the church and Myroslav has filled out three of them with names.
The list of people he knows who have died is longer than those still alive.
Image: Combat medic Myroslav Mardarevych
“I wrote for the safety and health of my friends, relatives, fighters of the Ukrainian army and all Ukrainians,” he says. “On this holy Christmas day, God protect Ukraine and give us strength and resolve for victory.”
Ukrainians are celebrating their first Christmas since Russia‘s invasion in February.
In a historic move, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church has given parishes across the country the choice to mark 25 December with the rest of the Christian world, a break from the eastern Orthodox tradition to celebrate on 7 January.
“For some it is the possibility to celebrate with the whole world. For some it is the possibility to celebrate away from Russia,” says St Sophia’s priest, Father Georgii Kovalenko.
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“Christmas has a very literal meaning for Ukrainians today. The holy family didn’t find a place to stay – they were homeless. The same as Ukranians that lost their homes, the holy family and Christ were refugees.”
Image: Father Georgii Kovalenko
Image: The congregation at St Sophia’s Cathedral
Halfway through Father Georgii’s sermon, the air raid sirens went off. Instead of Christmas bells, the loud horn and instructions to take shelter were loud and clear.
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But instead of rushing to a shelter, the service continued as more arrived.
The room filled with people deep in prayer, reminded in their worship that their country is still at war – a conflict that Pope Francis called “senseless” in his 2022 Christmas address to the world.
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“Unfortunately, this year all holidays have a bitter taste for us and we can feel the traditional spirit of Christmas differently,” he said.
“Dinner at the family table may not be so tasty and warm. There may be empty chairs around it and our homes and streets may not be so bright.
“Wherever we are we will be together today. And together we will look into the evening sky and together we will remember the morning of 24 February. We will remember how far we have come.”
Image: Parliamentarian and human rights defender Lesia Vasalenko
While millions of Ukrainians remain separated from their loved ones, some families have managed to come together.
Parliamentarian and human rights defender Lesia Vasalenko is back with her young children for Christmas.
Her work made her vulnerable to assassination, and she sent her family to the UK out of fear for their safety.
Suffering from bouts of homesickness, she has brought her three children home to celebrate with family in Korostyshiv.
They are seeing their grandparents for the first time since the early days of the war.
“Each one of them needs their mother in one way or another. It’s leaving scars which will become apparent in years to come,” says Lesia.
“This fatigue is what Russia is good at playing at. And we have no right – no moral right – in Ukraine or anywhere else to get tired of this.”
America appears to have hit the three key locations in Iran’s nuclear programme.
They include Isfahan, the location of a significant research base, as well as uranium enrichment facilities at Natanz and Fordow.
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Natanz was believed to have been previously damaged in Israeli strikes after bombs disrupted power to the centrifuge hall, possibly destroying the machines indirectly.
However the facility at Fordow, which is buried around 80 metres below a mountain, had previously escaped major damage.
Details about the damage in the US strikes is not yet known, although Mr Trump said the three sites had been “obliterated”.
The US has carried out a “very successful attack” on three nuclear sites on Iran, President Donald Trump has said.
The strikes, which the US leader announced on social media, reportedly include a hit on the heavily-protected Fordow enrichment plant which is buried deep under a mountain.
The other sites hit were at Natanz and Isfahan. It brings the US into direct involvement in the war between Israel and Iran.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hailed the “bold decision” by Mr Trump, saying it would “change history”.
Iran has repeatedly denied that it is seeking a nuclear weapon and the head of the UN’s nuclear watchdog said in June that it has no proof of a “systematic effort to move into a nuclear weapon”.
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3:34
Trump: Iran strikes ‘spectacular success’
Addressing the nation in the hours after the strikes, Mr Trump said that Iran must now make peace or “we will go after” other targets in Iran.
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Commenting on the operation, he said that the three Iranian sites had been “obliterated”.
“There will be either peace or there will be tragedy for Iran far greater than we have witnessed over the last eight days,” he said.
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1:20
Benjamin Netanyahu said Donald Trump and the US have acted with strength following strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities.
In a posting on Truth Social earlier, Mr Trump said, “All planes are safely on their way home” and he congratulated “our great American Warriors”. He added: “Fordow is gone.”
He also threatened further strikes on Iran unless it doesn’t “stop immediately”, adding: “Now is the time for peace.”
It is not yet clear if the UK was directly involved in the attack.
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Among the sites hit was Fordow, a secretive nuclear facility buried around 80 metres below a mountain and one of two key uranium enrichment plants in Iran.
“A full payload of BOMBS was dropped on the primary site, Fordow,” Mr Trump said. “Fordow is gone.”
There had been a lot of discussion in recent days about possible American involvement in the Iran-Israel conflict, and much centred around the US possibly being best placed to destroy Fordow.
Meanwhile, Natanz and Isfahan were the other two sites hit in the US attack.
Natanz is the other major uranium enrichment plant in Iran and was believed to have possibly already suffered extensive damage in Israel’s strikes earlier this week.
Isfahan features a large nuclear technology centre and enriched uranium is also stored there, diplomats say.
Israelis are good at tactics, poor at strategic vision, it has been observed.
Their campaign against Iran may be a case in point.
Short termism is understandable in a region that is so unpredictable. Why make elaborate plans if they are generally undone by unexpected events? It is a mindset that is familiar to anyone who has lived or worked there.
And it informs policy-making. The Israeli offensive in Gaza is no exception. The Israeli government has never been clear how it will end or what happens the day after that in what remains of the coastal strip. Pressed privately, even senior advisers will admit they simply do not know.
It may seem unfair to call a military operation against Iran that literally took decades of planning short-termist or purely tactical. There was clearly a strategy of astonishing sophistication behind a devastating campaign that has dismantled so much of the enemy’s capability.
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3:49
How close is Iran to producing a nuclear weapon?
But is there a strategic vision beyond that? That is what worries Israel’s allies.
It’s not as if we’ve not been here before, time and time again. From Libya to Afghanistan and all points in between we have seen the chaos and carnage that follows governments being changed.
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Hundreds of thousands have died. Vast swathes of territory remain mired in turmoil or instability.
Which is where a famous warning sign to American shoppers in the 80s and 90s comes in.
Ahead of the disastrous invasion that would tear Iraq apart, America’s defence secretary, Colin Powell, is said to have warned US president George W Bush of the “Pottery Barn rule”.
The Pottery Barn was an American furnishings store. Signs among its wares told clumsy customers: “You break it, you own it.”
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0:36
Iran and Israel exchange attacks
Bush did not listen to Powell hard enough. His administration would end up breaking Iraq and owning the aftermath in a bloody debacle lasting years.
Israel is not invading Iran, but it is bombing it back to the 80s, or even the 70s, because it is calling for the fall of the government that came to power at the end of that decade.
Iran’s leadership is proving resilient so far but we are just a week in. It is a country of 90 million, already riven with social and political discontent. Its system of government is based on factional competition, in which paranoia, suspicion and intense rivalries are the order of the day.
After half a century of authoritarian theocratic rule there are no opposition groups ready to replace the ayatollahs. There may be a powerful sense of social cohesion and a patriotic resentment of outside interference, for plenty of good historic reasons.
But if that is not enough to keep the country together then chaos could ensue. One of the biggest and most consequential nations in the region could descend into violent instability.
That will have been on Israel’s watch. If it breaks Iran it will own it even more than America owned the disaster in Iraq.
Iran and Israel are, after all, in the same neighbourhood.
Has Israel thought through the consequences? What is the strategic vision beyond victory?
And if America joins in, as Donald Trump is threatening, is it prepared to share that legacy?
At the very least, is his administration asking its allies whether they have a plan for what could come next?