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Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) is playing offense by putting early pressure on Senate Democrats running for reelection in red states to back proposals being passed out of the GOP-controlled House.

Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) must decide how much political cover to give members of his caucus running for reelection in states such as West Virginia, Montana and Ohio, with control of the chamber on the line in 2024. 

Schumer has taken shots at McCarthy and House Republicans in recent days, accusing them of pushing an “extreme” agenda. But McCarthy is punching back, hitting Democrats in states that former President Trump carried in 2016 and 2020. 

“We’ve got a number of bills coming up in the future: securing our border, producing more energy, stopping this COVID emergency across America so we can all get back to work,” McCarthy told Fox News over the weekend, citing bills that House Republicans plan to move along with legislation that passed last week to prohibit the sale of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to China.   

McCarthy called on Democrats up for reelection such as Sens. Joe Manchin (W.Va.), Jon Tester (Mont.) and Sherrod Brown (Ohio) to press Schumer to bring the oil export ban and other House-passed legislation up for a vote in the Senate. Trump carried West Virginia with 69 percent of the vote, Montana with 57 percent and Ohio with 53 percent. 

“Manchin, Sherrod Brown, Tester and others who say they’re moderates and that they want to work together, here’s an example that 113 Democrats [in the House] voted for,” he said of stopping the export of oil reserves to China.  

Republican strategists and aides say they expect McCarthy to also ramp up pressure on these Democrats to consider legislation passed by the new House GOP majority last week to rescind more than $70 billion in funding for the Internal Revenue Service. That money was included in the Inflation Reduction Act to beef up the agency’s auditing power.  

“Now that he’s the Speaker, he can go on offense. It took everything for McCarthy to become Speaker, and now that he has the gavel, he can go completely on offense, drive messaging and help House Republicans put points on the board,” said Ron Bonjean, a GOP strategist and former House leadership aide.  

“With divided government, Republicans now have a chance to show how they will run the House differently and it sets the stage for the next presidential election,” he said, adding that McCarthy’s moves now will help “define the national media environment” heading into the 2024 election.  

“You’ll start seeing a drumbeat coming out of the Republican leadership consistently,” he said. “Republicans are going to be taking it to Democrats, especially in the Senate, to say, ‘Why aren’t you moving our agenda?’”  

Vin Weber, a GOP strategist and former member of the House GOP leadership, said McCarthy can “put real pressure” on Senate GOP incumbents in red states.  

“They’re all in relatively swing or conservative states,” he noted of several senators, including Manchin, Tester, Brown, Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.) and Sen. Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), adding that McCarthy can “put in stark relief their positions on cutting-edge issues.” 

Brown has announced he plans to run for reelection in 2024, but Manchin, Tester and Sinema have stayed silent on their plans to run for another term. Rosen is expected to run for reelection.

Weber said growing pressure from the House to act on hot-button issues such as border security and American energy independence could weigh on Manchin’s and Tester’s decisions to run again in GOP-leaning states.  

“This is the best way to get those guys to decide not to run again — to immediately start putting them in a difficult position on issues that would affect their reelection,” he said, pointing out that Republican candidates would be favored to win in West Virginia and Montana if Manchin and Tester retire.  

The National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC) followed up on McCarthy’s comments over the weekend by hitting Manchin, Tester and Brown for not embracing what Republicans say are popular elements of the House GOP agenda.  

“Joe Manchin, Jon Tester and Sherrod Brown like to talk a big game to voters back home, but when it matters most they are reliable votes for Joe Biden’s radical agenda in Washington. Whether it’s shipping American oil reserves to the Chinese Communist Party or doubling the size of the IRS to audit working Americans, they will always back the Biden-Schumer agenda instead of standing up for their constituents,” said NRSC spokesman Philip Letsou.  

Schumer has deflected Republican attacks by insisting that Senate Democrats are ready to work together with House Republicans to enact sensible legislation, but he says McCarthy is looking at policies that would undercut women’s access to quality health care and cut Medicare and Social Security benefits.  

“I want to work with Speaker McCarthy to get things done, but so far, House Republicans have been focused on delivering for wealthy special interests and the extreme wing of their party,” Schumer wrote in a “Dear Colleague” letter circulated to fellow Senate Democrats on Friday.  

A Democratic aide said Senate centrists are happy to work with House Republicans on bills that help everyday Americans, such as legislation to speed the construction of transmission lines to get wind- and solar-generated energy to market but argued that McCarthy seems more interested in scoring political points.  

Schumer on Tuesday sought to shift attention to the upcoming clash between Senate Democrats and House Republicans over raising the debt limit and warned McCarthy against holding the issue hostage to get Democrats to agree to fiscal reforms.  

“It’s reckless for Speaker McCarthy and MAGA Republicans to try and use the full faith and credit of the United States as a political bargaining chip. A default would be catastrophic for America’s working families and lead to higher costs,” he said in a statement.  

Schumer bent over backward last month to protect vulnerable Senate Democratic incumbents from an amendment sponsored by Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) to cut funding for Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas’s office unless the Biden administration reinstated former President Trump’s Title 42 border policy.  

Schumer scrambled to help set up a vote on an alternative amendment sponsored by Sinema to extend Title 42, giving Democratic colleagues political cover to vote against Lee’s proposal.  

He will be likely faced with similar challenges over the next two years as Senate Republicans try to force Democratic colleagues to vote on various House-passed bills.  

Schumer, who controls the Senate floor agenda, could simply refuse to schedule votes on House GOP bills, but Republican strategists and conservative activists say they will take to television and radio to ramp up pressure on the Senate to act.  

“You can go on talk radio and say, ‘If this guy had any guts, he could insist on this vote,’” said Grover Norquist, the president of Americans for Tax Reform, of what tactics GOP lawmakers and activists could use to pressure Manchin and Tester to push for the consideration of House bills. Fast-rising Dem star Wes Moore to be inaugurated Wednesday Ukraine interior minister, others killed in helicopter crash 

Norquist said there’s already an effort to coordinate with the Republican-controlled state legislatures in Montana, Ohio and Arizona to instruct their Democratic and Independent senators to support House-passed tax legislation.  

We’re “getting state legislatures to pass resolutions instructing their senators … to vote for the bill on the IRS. It’s being introduced in Arizona and we’re going to introduce it in Montana and Ohio,” he said.  

He said there’s also a push to instruct Democratic senators to support the continuation of the Trump-era tax cuts that will focus on its most popular elements, such as the doubling of the child tax credit to $2,000 per child.  

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Sports

NASCAR: Lawsuit about forcing permanent charter

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NASCAR: Lawsuit about forcing permanent charter

CHARLOTTE, N.C. — NASCAR argued in its latest court filing that Michael Jordan is suing the stock car series to earn a permanent charter that no other teams possess, and that neither 23XI Racing nor Front Row Motorsports has suffered any harm by racing as “open” entries.

NASCAR also indicated in its 34-page response filed late Monday that it has buyers interested in the six charters that have been set aside as a federal judge decides if the two teams can have them back for the remaining 11 races of this season. NASCAR is prepared to immediately begin the process of allocating the charters elsewhere.

These latest arguments are part of the ongoing federal antitrust lawsuit filed by 23XI and Front Row against NASCAR in a fight over charters, which are essentially franchise tags. 23XI, owned by retired basketball Hall of Famer Michael Jordan and three-time Daytona 500 winner Denny Hamlin, and Front Row, owned by entrepreneur Bob Jenkins, were the only two organizations out of 15 not to sign extensions on new charter agreements.

All the teams were fighting to have the charters made permanent during more than two years of extension negotiations, but NASCAR refused and its final offer was through 2031. 23XI and Front Row won a temporary injunction to be recognized as chartered as the case heads toward a Dec. 1 trial date.

The injunction was eventually overturned, appealed by the teams, and U.S. District Judge Kenneth Bell will hear arguments Aug. 28 on the matter. 23XI and Front Row as “open” teams do not receive the same financial percentages as chartered teams.

A rulebook change in July after the chartered status was stripped from the two organizations ensured that the six cars aren’t in danger of not qualifying for a race; starting spots are guaranteed to the 36 chartered cars in every 40-car field.

“Mr. Jordan has said he wants to use the litigation to grant him a permanent Charter that no other team has,” NASCAR alleged.

23XI and Front Row have maintained they will continue to race even if they must do so as open teams. NASCAR has argued that when the two organizations did not sign the extensions they lost all rights to charters and the sanctioning body should be free to move them.

“Plaintiffs’ theoretical inability to obtain Charters post-trial also does not justify NASCAR from selling or transferring Charters, because Plaintiffs do not have Charters now because of their own strategic choice,” NASCAR said in its filing. “Plaintiffs had multiple opportunities to acquire 2025 Charters, and they squandered them.”

NASCAR also argued that a court cannot order the private company into a partnership with teams it is not interested in doing business with. Another argument by NASCAR is that 23XI and Front Row have not been harmed by not being chartered because their drivers have not left the team and the rule change protects them from missing races; Tyler Reddick of 23XI has clauses in his contract that he can leave if his car is not chartered.

Additionally, NASCAR said it pays teams a higher percentage than even Formula 1 does and that its payout structure to teams proves it is not a monopoly because it was increased first by 28% in the 2016 charter agreement, and then by 62% in the 2025 agreement.

“NASCAR pays Teams more than even Formula 1 as a percentage of profit,” NASCAR said. “Plaintiffs ignore the pay raises the Teams received. Instead, they focus on a text during negotiations for the 2025 Charter that said an internal version of the May 2024 draft contained ‘zero wins’ for Teams.

“Plaintiffs ignore that the actual May 2024 draft proposed to Teams carried forward the biggest win for the Teams — a massive pay increase — that was set out in the December 2023 draft. It also gave Charter holders an opportunity to obtain any improved extension terms NASCAR offered to third parties and increased Teams’ ability to receive investor funding, among other benefits.”

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Ukrainian diplomat involved in 90s nuclear deal with Russia warns Trump about ‘very big mistake’ with Putin

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Ukrainian diplomat involved in 90s nuclear deal with Russia warns Trump about 'very big mistake' with Putin

Ukrainians have given a lukewarm reaction to this week’s White House summit.

There is bafflement and unease here after US President Donald Trump switched sides to support his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, dropping calls for a ceasefire and proposing that Ukraine surrender territory.

While allies are talking up the prospects of progress, people here remain unconvinced.

Ukraine war latest – Trump rules out using US troops

Boris Yeltsin (2L) and Bill Clinton (C) sign the 1994 Budapest Memorandum
Image:
Boris Yeltsin (2L) and Bill Clinton (C) sign the 1994 Budapest Memorandum

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What security guarantees could work?

The Trump administration’s contradictory statements on possible security guarantees are causing concern here.

MP Lesia Vasylenko told Sky News it is not at all clear what the allies have in mind.

“Who is going to be there backing Ukraine in case Russia decides to revisit their imperialistic plans and strategies and in case they want to restart this war of aggression?”

For many Ukrainians, there is a troubling sense of deja vu.

Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player

Ukrainian drone strikes Russian fuel train

In the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, Ukraine agreed to give up not land but its nuclear arsenal, inherited from the Soviet Union, in return for security assurances from Russia and other powers.

They know how that ended up to their enormous cost. Putin reneged on Russia’s side of the bargain, with his invasion of Crimea in 2014 and once again with his full-scale attack three and a half years ago.

We met veteran Ukrainian diplomat Yuri Kostenko, who helped lead those negotiations in the 90s.

Veteran Ukrainian diplomat Yuri Kostenko helped lead the Budapest Memorandum negotiations
Image:
Veteran Ukrainian diplomat Yuri Kostenko helped lead the Budapest Memorandum negotiations

He said there is a danger the world makes the same mistake and trusts Vladimir Putin when he says he wants to stop the killing, something Mr Trump said he now believes.

👉 Listen to Sky News Daily on your podcast app 👈        

“It’s not true, it’s not true, Russia never, never, it’s my practices in more than 30 years, Russia never stop their aggression plans to occupy all Ukraine and I think that Mr Trump, if he really believes Mr Putin, it will be a very big mistake, Mr Trump, a very big mistake.”

Before the Alaska summit, allies agreed the best path to peace was forcing Mr Putin to stop his invasion, hitting him where it hurts with severe sanctions on his oil trade.

But Mr Trump has given up calls for a ceasefire and withdrawn threats to impose those tougher sanctions.

Instead, he has led allies down a different and more uncertain path.

Read more on Sky News:
Putin wasn’t there, but influenced summit
Peace further away, not closer
Five takeaways from White House talks

Ukrainians we met on the streets of Kyiv said they would love to believe in progress more than anything, but are not encouraged by what they are hearing.

While the diplomacy moves on in an unclear direction, events on the ground and in the skies above Ukraine are depressingly predictable.

Russia is continuing hundreds of drone attacks every night, and its forces are advancing on the front.

If Vladimir Putin really wants this war to end, he’s showing no sign of it, while Ukrainians fear Donald Trump is taking allies down a blind alley of fruitless diplomacy.

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US

Ukrainian diplomat involved in 90s nuclear deal with Russia warns Trump about ‘very big mistake’ with Putin

Published

on

By

Ukrainian diplomat involved in 90s nuclear deal with Russia warns Trump about 'very big mistake' with Putin

Ukrainians have given a lukewarm reaction to this week’s White House summit.

There is bafflement and unease here after US President Donald Trump switched sides to support his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, dropping calls for a ceasefire and proposing that Ukraine surrender territory.

While allies are talking up the prospects of progress, people here remain unconvinced.

Ukraine war latest – Trump rules out using US troops

Boris Yeltsin (2L) and Bill Clinton (C) sign the 1994 Budapest Memorandum
Image:
Boris Yeltsin (2L) and Bill Clinton (C) sign the 1994 Budapest Memorandum

Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player

What security guarantees could work?

The Trump administration’s contradictory statements on possible security guarantees are causing concern here.

MP Lesia Vasylenko told Sky News it is not at all clear what the allies have in mind.

“Who is going to be there backing Ukraine in case Russia decides to revisit their imperialistic plans and strategies and in case they want to restart this war of aggression?”

For many Ukrainians, there is a troubling sense of deja vu.

Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player

Ukrainian drone strikes Russian fuel train

In the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, Ukraine agreed to give up not land but its nuclear arsenal, inherited from the Soviet Union, in return for security assurances from Russia and other powers.

They know how that ended up to their enormous cost. Putin reneged on Russia’s side of the bargain, with his invasion of Crimea in 2014 and once again with his full-scale attack three and a half years ago.

We met veteran Ukrainian diplomat Yuri Kostenko, who helped lead those negotiations in the 90s.

Veteran Ukrainian diplomat Yuri Kostenko helped lead the Budapest Memorandum negotiations
Image:
Veteran Ukrainian diplomat Yuri Kostenko helped lead the Budapest Memorandum negotiations

He said there is a danger the world makes the same mistake and trusts Vladimir Putin when he says he wants to stop the killing, something Mr Trump said he now believes.

👉 Listen to Sky News Daily on your podcast app 👈        

“It’s not true, it’s not true, Russia never, never, it’s my practices in more than 30 years, Russia never stop their aggression plans to occupy all Ukraine and I think that Mr Trump, if he really believes Mr Putin, it will be a very big mistake, Mr Trump, a very big mistake.”

Before the Alaska summit, allies agreed the best path to peace was forcing Mr Putin to stop his invasion, hitting him where it hurts with severe sanctions on his oil trade.

But Mr Trump has given up calls for a ceasefire and withdrawn threats to impose those tougher sanctions.

Instead, he has led allies down a different and more uncertain path.

Read more on Sky News:
Putin wasn’t there, but influenced summit
Peace further away, not closer
Five takeaways from White House talks

Ukrainians we met on the streets of Kyiv said they would love to believe in progress more than anything, but are not encouraged by what they are hearing.

While the diplomacy moves on in an unclear direction, events on the ground and in the skies above Ukraine are depressingly predictable.

Russia is continuing hundreds of drone attacks every night, and its forces are advancing on the front.

If Vladimir Putin really wants this war to end, he’s showing no sign of it, while Ukrainians fear Donald Trump is taking allies down a blind alley of fruitless diplomacy.

Continue Reading

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