Rishi Sunak says Britain and the EU have an understanding on what needs to be done around the Northern Ireland Protocol, but that work still needs to be done.
I thought we had a Brexit deal, what is this agreement that Rishi Sunak is trying to get?
These talks are all about the part of the Brexit deal that relates to Northern Ireland.
Dubbed the “Northern Ireland Protocol”, it was agreed with the EU by Boris Johnson in 2020 – alongside the wider trade and co-operation treaty.
The point of it is to avoid a hard physical border on the island of Ireland – the only place where there is a land frontier between the UK and EU.
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All parties agreed this was necessary to preserve peace on the island.
The protocol does this by placing Northern Ireland in a far tighter relationship with the EU, compared with the rest of the UK.
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Since the Brexit deal fully came into force at the start of 2021, there has been an ongoing process to iron out the various issues it has thrown up relating to Northern Ireland.
That has escalated over time to the point where a new agreement is now being worked on.
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There’s new hope of a breakthrough to end years of deadlock between the UK and the European Union over post-Brexit trade arrangements
What practical changes are needed?
To avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland, physical checks take place when goods cross the Irish Sea from Great Britain to Northern Ireland.
Companies and traders in Northern Ireland also have to comply with EU single market rules.
This has all caused friction in the flows of goods coming from England, Wales and Scotland with shortages of certain items in shops and onerous paperwork for businesses.
EU rules on food stuffs has also meant a potential ban on sausages and other “chilled meats” coming from Great Britain.
There are also upsides of the deal though. As Northern Ireland essentially still has one foot in the EU single market, it’s easier for businesses there to trade on the continent.
What’s been the political fallout in Belfast?
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) unionist politicians in Belfast believe Northern Ireland is being carved out from the rest of the UK and treated in too different a fashion.
This stems in part from the practical problems being experienced by businesses.
There’s also concern over a so-called “democratic deficit” whereby Northern Ireland takes on rules from Brussels that it has no say over.
There are more ideological issues too. The role played by the European Court of Justice is a big sticking point.
Because Northern Ireland is still subject to EU rules, Brussels believes its court should have a heavy involvement in resolving disputes.
The DUP and some Conservative MPs see this as an erosion of the UK’s sovereignty and incompatible with the aims of Brexit.
Image: The iconic site of Harland & Wolff’s shipyard in Belfast
How does this relate to the Northern Ireland assembly?
The DUP is one of two parties that shares power in the devolved government in Northern Ireland.
But the party has been staging a boycott and refusing to allow this executive to form or the elected assembly to sit until its concerns over the Brexit deal are addressed.
This has meant the democratic institutions that are supposed to be running public services in Northern Ireland and representing voters haven’t been functioning properly for more than a year.
Sinn Fein – the republican party that also shares powers in Belfast – has urged the DUP to approve the changes to the Brexit deal and go back into power-sharing as soon as possible.
What will be in the new deal?
We don’t really know. Downing Street has been keeping quiet about the details.
Speculation is that parts of it will look quite similar to plans outlined by the UK last year.
There may be a “green lane” and “red lane” system to separate goods destined for Northern Ireland from those at risk of being transported to the Republic and on to the EU.
This should reduce the need for physical checks and paperwork. Some sort of compromise is also likely on the role of the European Court of Justice.
There could potentially be a mechanism whereby the ECJ can only decide on a dispute after a referral from a separate arbitration panel or a Northern Irish court.
This is the big unknown. The party has come up with seven “tests” that it will apply to any deal when deciding whether to back it.
These contain some specific requests, such as there being no checks on goods going from Great Britain to Northern Ireland and no border in the Irish Sea.
But there are also broader points such as allowing the people of Northern Ireland the same privileges as everyone else in the United Kingdom and guaranteeing the letter and spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.
There are also electoral considerations, a sizeable chunk of the unionist community in Northern Ireland believes the DUP should only go back into power-sharing if the Northern Ireland Protocol is scrapped completely.
So if the DUP is seen to cave too easily, the party could lose voters to more hard line rivals.
Will Tory MPs support it?
Again, we just don’t know. It’s also unclear whether MPs will actually get a Commons vote on the new agreement. Downing Street hasn’t committed to one.
But not allowing MPs to have a say would risk inflaming tensions with backbenchers.
The main audience the prime minister needs to please here is the “European Research Group” of pro-Brexit MPs.
They claim otherwise, but the caucus isn’t really as powerful as it was a few years ago.
Many senior members are now in government including the Home Secretary Suella Braverman, the Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Heaton-Harris and his junior minister Steve Baker.
They will all need to be happy before the deal is published. In fact, they could play a part in getting Eurosceptic colleagues on board.
The reaction of Boris Johnson could also prove crucial. If the former prime minister came out against his successor’s deal, that could galvanise backbench anger.
Labour has said it will lend Rishi Sunak votes if he can’t push the deal through on his own. But this would be an embarrassing development for the prime minister that would risk further instability in his own party.
What happens if Rishi Sunak can’t get everybody on board?
The prime minister can live with some dissent from his MPs. Failing to win the support of the DUP is more serious though, as it means the party will continue to block the formation of the devolved executive in Belfast.
If the objections from the DUP seem less forceful, Mr Sunak could proceed anyway and hope they eventually come onboard after May’s local elections.
If he runs into a solid roadblock with both his MPs and the DUP and can’t get further concessions from the EU, then there is still the option of invoking the Northern Ireland Protocol Act.
This is UK legislation currently making its way through Parliament that would strip away parts of the Brexit deal without the approval of the EU.
Many see it as contravening international law and using it risks a trade war with Brussels. That’s something the government could do without, given the delicate economic situation.
What if Rishi Sunak gets his deal through with support from everybody?
If the prime minister can fix the Brexit deal, restore power-sharing in Belfast and keep his party together then it will be the undeniable high point of his time in Downing Street so far.
He will be able to claim that he solved an issue that has bedevilled his three predecessors.
It also has the potential of being a significant political inflexion point.
If the economic situation improves and he can also bring forward tangible action on strikes and Channel crossings, then there is a chance that the gloomy electoral outlook for the government begins to brighten.
But I thought Boris Johnson said Brexit was done?
Yes, he did. He also promised that his deal would not lead to a border in the Irish Sea.
At the time, many inside and outside of politics warned that the text of the agreement he signed would mean checks between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
The former prime minister and his allies now say no one expected the EU to enforce the agreement in such a strict and inflexible way. The real answer to all this may lie in the politics of the time.
In 2019, Boris Johnson was eager to get a deal agreed with Brussels and campaign in a general election on the back of it.
This meant some of the thornier parts of the treaty were somewhat played down at the time. But it also stored up problems that Rishi Sunak is now trying to fix.
If this deal goes through, will Brexit then be done?
It will be more “done” than it ever has been. But overall, not really.
For a start, the Northern Ireland Protocol has a consent mechanism built into it, meaning that members of the devolved assembly in Belfast will vote next year on whether to keep the arrangement.
If a simple majority of Stormont members approves the deal, then it will remain in place for four years, at which point another vote will take place.
If it passes with a higher approval percentage in both unionist and republican parties, then the next vote will happen in eight years’ time. Then there’s the issue of the UK signing trade deals with other countries around the world.
This could mean changes to domestic rules and regulations that would have a knock-on impact for Northern Ireland and for the UK’s broader relationship with the EU.
Future governments may also decide to take a different approach with Brussels meaning Brexit and the country’s relationship with its closest neighbours will stay a live issue for a good time yet.
Safeguarding minister Jess Phillips has told Sky News that councils that believe they don’t have a problem with grooming gangs are “idiots” – as she denied Elon Musk influenced the decision to have a national inquiry on the subject.
The minister said: “I don’t follow Elon Musk’s advice on anything although maybe I too would like to go to Mars.
“Before anyone even knew Elon Musk’s name, I was working with the victims of these crimes.”
Mr Musk, then a close aide of US President Donald Trump, sparked a significant political row with his comments – with the Conservative Party and Reform UK calling for a new public inquiry into grooming gangs.
At the time, Ms Phillips denied a request for a public inquiry into child sexual exploitation in Oldham on the basis that it should be done at a local level.
But the government announced a national inquiry after Baroness Casey’s rapid audit on grooming gangs, which was published in June.
Asked if she thought there was, in the words of Baroness Casey, “over representation” among suspects of Asian and Pakistani men, Ms Phillips replied: “My own experience of working with many young girls in my area – yes there is a problem. There are different parts of the country where the problem will look different, organised crime has different flavours across the board.
“But I have to look at the evidence… and the government reacts to the evidence.”
Ms Phillips also said the home secretary has written to all police chiefs telling them that data collection on ethnicity “has to change”, to ensure that it is always recorded, promising “we will legislate to change the way this [collection] is done if necessary”.
Operation Beaconport has since been established, led by the National Crime Agency (NCA), and will be reviewing more than 1,200 closed cases of child sexual exploitation.
Ms Phillips revealed that at least “five, six” councils have asked to be a part of the national review – and denounced councils that believed they don’t have a problem with grooming gangs as “idiots”.
“I don’t want [the inquiry] just to go over places that have already had inquiries and find things the Casey had already identified,” she said.
She confirmed that a shortlist for a chair has been drawn up, and she expects the inquiry to be finished within three years.
Ms Phillips’s comments come after she announced £426,000 of funding to roll out artificial intelligence tools across all 43 police forces in England and Wales to speed up investigations into modern slavery, child sex abuse and county lines gangs.
Some 13 forces have access to the AI apps, which the Home Office says have saved more than £20m and 16,000 hours for investigators.
The apps can translate large amounts of text in foreign languages and analyse data to find relationships between suspects.
Her comments followed the departure of the prince and several others from the organisation in March.
They had asked her to step down, alleging it was in the “best interest of the charity”.
Dr Chandauka told Sky News that Harry had “authorised the release of a damaging piece of news to the outside world” without informing her or Sentebale directors.
The Duke and Duchess of Sussex declined to offer any formal response.
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Why was Prince Harry accused of ‘bullying’?
‘Strong perception of ill-treatment’
The Charity Commission said it was reporting after a “damaging internal dispute emerged” and has “criticised all parties to the dispute for allowing it to play out publicly”.
That “severely impacted the charity’s reputation and risked undermining public trust in charities more generally”, it said.
But it found no evidence of “widespread or systemic bullying or harassment, including misogyny or misogynoir at the charity”.
Nevertheless, it did acknowledge the “strong perception of ill-treatment felt by a number of parties to the dispute and the impact this may have had on them personally”.
It also found no evidence of “‘over-reach’ by either the chair or the Duke of Sussex as patron”.
‘Confusion exacerbated tensions’
But it was critical of the charity’s “lack of clarity in delegations to the chair which allowed for misunderstandings to occur”.
And it has “identified a lack of clarity around role descriptions and internal policies as the primary cause for weaknesses in the charity’s management”.
That “confusion exacerbated tensions, which culminated in a dispute and multiple resignations of trustees and both founding patrons”.
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Why was Prince Harry accused of ‘bullying’?
Harry: Report falls troublingly short
A spokesperson for Prince Harry said it was “unsurprising” that the commission had announced “no findings of wrongdoing in relation to Sentebale’s co-founder and former patron, Prince Harry, Duke of Sussex”.
They added: “Despite all that, their report falls troublingly short in many regards, primarily the fact that the consequences of the current chair’s actions will not be borne by her, but by the children who rely on Sentebale’s support.”
They said the prince will “now focus on finding new ways to continue supporting the children of Lesotho and Botswana”.
Dr Chandauka said: “I appreciate the Charity Commission for its conclusions which confirm the governance concerns I raised privately in February 2025.”
But she added: “The unexpected adverse media campaign that was launched by those who resigned on 24 March 2025 has caused incalculable damage and offers a glimpse of the unacceptable behaviours displayed in private.”
All police forces investigating grooming gangs in England and Wales will be given access to new AI tools to help speed up their investigations.
The artificial intelligence tools are already thought to have saved officers in 13 forces more than £20m and 16,000 hours of investigation time.
The apps can translate large amounts of text in foreign languages from mobile phones seized by police, and analyse a mass of digital data to find patterns and relationships between suspects.
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Grooming gang inquiry: ‘Our chance for justice’
‘We must punish perpetrators’
The rollout is part of a £426,000 boost for the Tackling Organised Exploitation (TOEX) programme, which supports officers to investigate complex cases involving modern slavery, county lines and child sex abuse.
“The sexual exploitation of children by grooming gangs is one of the most horrific crimes, and we must punish perpetrators, provide justice for victims and survivors, and protect today’s children from harm,” said safeguarding minister Jess Phillips.
“Baroness Casey flagged the need to upgrade police information systems to improve investigations and safeguard children at risk. Today we are investing in these critical tools.”
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Key takeaways from the Casey review
Lack of ethnicity data ‘a major failing’
Police forces have also been instructed by the home secretary to collect ethnicity data, as recommended by Baroness Casey.
Her June report found the lack of data showing sex offenders’ ethnicity and nationality in grooming gangs was “a major failing over the last decade or more”.
She found that officials avoided the issue of ethnicity for fear of being called racist, but there were enough convictions of Asian men “to have warranted closer examination”.
The government has launched a national inquiry into the abuse and further details are expected to be announced in the coming weeks.