Rishi Sunak says Britain and the EU have an understanding on what needs to be done around the Northern Ireland Protocol, but that work still needs to be done.
I thought we had a Brexit deal, what is this agreement that Rishi Sunak is trying to get?
These talks are all about the part of the Brexit deal that relates to Northern Ireland.
Dubbed the “Northern Ireland Protocol”, it was agreed with the EU by Boris Johnson in 2020 – alongside the wider trade and co-operation treaty.
The point of it is to avoid a hard physical border on the island of Ireland – the only place where there is a land frontier between the UK and EU.
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All parties agreed this was necessary to preserve peace on the island.
The protocol does this by placing Northern Ireland in a far tighter relationship with the EU, compared with the rest of the UK.
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Since the Brexit deal fully came into force at the start of 2021, there has been an ongoing process to iron out the various issues it has thrown up relating to Northern Ireland.
That has escalated over time to the point where a new agreement is now being worked on.
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There’s new hope of a breakthrough to end years of deadlock between the UK and the European Union over post-Brexit trade arrangements
What practical changes are needed?
To avoid a hard border on the island of Ireland, physical checks take place when goods cross the Irish Sea from Great Britain to Northern Ireland.
Companies and traders in Northern Ireland also have to comply with EU single market rules.
This has all caused friction in the flows of goods coming from England, Wales and Scotland with shortages of certain items in shops and onerous paperwork for businesses.
EU rules on food stuffs has also meant a potential ban on sausages and other “chilled meats” coming from Great Britain.
There are also upsides of the deal though. As Northern Ireland essentially still has one foot in the EU single market, it’s easier for businesses there to trade on the continent.
What’s been the political fallout in Belfast?
Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) unionist politicians in Belfast believe Northern Ireland is being carved out from the rest of the UK and treated in too different a fashion.
This stems in part from the practical problems being experienced by businesses.
There’s also concern over a so-called “democratic deficit” whereby Northern Ireland takes on rules from Brussels that it has no say over.
There are more ideological issues too. The role played by the European Court of Justice is a big sticking point.
Because Northern Ireland is still subject to EU rules, Brussels believes its court should have a heavy involvement in resolving disputes.
The DUP and some Conservative MPs see this as an erosion of the UK’s sovereignty and incompatible with the aims of Brexit.
Image: The iconic site of Harland & Wolff’s shipyard in Belfast
How does this relate to the Northern Ireland assembly?
The DUP is one of two parties that shares power in the devolved government in Northern Ireland.
But the party has been staging a boycott and refusing to allow this executive to form or the elected assembly to sit until its concerns over the Brexit deal are addressed.
This has meant the democratic institutions that are supposed to be running public services in Northern Ireland and representing voters haven’t been functioning properly for more than a year.
Sinn Fein – the republican party that also shares powers in Belfast – has urged the DUP to approve the changes to the Brexit deal and go back into power-sharing as soon as possible.
What will be in the new deal?
We don’t really know. Downing Street has been keeping quiet about the details.
Speculation is that parts of it will look quite similar to plans outlined by the UK last year.
There may be a “green lane” and “red lane” system to separate goods destined for Northern Ireland from those at risk of being transported to the Republic and on to the EU.
This should reduce the need for physical checks and paperwork. Some sort of compromise is also likely on the role of the European Court of Justice.
There could potentially be a mechanism whereby the ECJ can only decide on a dispute after a referral from a separate arbitration panel or a Northern Irish court.
This is the big unknown. The party has come up with seven “tests” that it will apply to any deal when deciding whether to back it.
These contain some specific requests, such as there being no checks on goods going from Great Britain to Northern Ireland and no border in the Irish Sea.
But there are also broader points such as allowing the people of Northern Ireland the same privileges as everyone else in the United Kingdom and guaranteeing the letter and spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.
There are also electoral considerations, a sizeable chunk of the unionist community in Northern Ireland believes the DUP should only go back into power-sharing if the Northern Ireland Protocol is scrapped completely.
So if the DUP is seen to cave too easily, the party could lose voters to more hard line rivals.
Will Tory MPs support it?
Again, we just don’t know. It’s also unclear whether MPs will actually get a Commons vote on the new agreement. Downing Street hasn’t committed to one.
But not allowing MPs to have a say would risk inflaming tensions with backbenchers.
The main audience the prime minister needs to please here is the “European Research Group” of pro-Brexit MPs.
They claim otherwise, but the caucus isn’t really as powerful as it was a few years ago.
Many senior members are now in government including the Home Secretary Suella Braverman, the Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Heaton-Harris and his junior minister Steve Baker.
They will all need to be happy before the deal is published. In fact, they could play a part in getting Eurosceptic colleagues on board.
The reaction of Boris Johnson could also prove crucial. If the former prime minister came out against his successor’s deal, that could galvanise backbench anger.
Labour has said it will lend Rishi Sunak votes if he can’t push the deal through on his own. But this would be an embarrassing development for the prime minister that would risk further instability in his own party.
What happens if Rishi Sunak can’t get everybody on board?
The prime minister can live with some dissent from his MPs. Failing to win the support of the DUP is more serious though, as it means the party will continue to block the formation of the devolved executive in Belfast.
If the objections from the DUP seem less forceful, Mr Sunak could proceed anyway and hope they eventually come onboard after May’s local elections.
If he runs into a solid roadblock with both his MPs and the DUP and can’t get further concessions from the EU, then there is still the option of invoking the Northern Ireland Protocol Act.
This is UK legislation currently making its way through Parliament that would strip away parts of the Brexit deal without the approval of the EU.
Many see it as contravening international law and using it risks a trade war with Brussels. That’s something the government could do without, given the delicate economic situation.
What if Rishi Sunak gets his deal through with support from everybody?
If the prime minister can fix the Brexit deal, restore power-sharing in Belfast and keep his party together then it will be the undeniable high point of his time in Downing Street so far.
He will be able to claim that he solved an issue that has bedevilled his three predecessors.
It also has the potential of being a significant political inflexion point.
If the economic situation improves and he can also bring forward tangible action on strikes and Channel crossings, then there is a chance that the gloomy electoral outlook for the government begins to brighten.
But I thought Boris Johnson said Brexit was done?
Yes, he did. He also promised that his deal would not lead to a border in the Irish Sea.
At the time, many inside and outside of politics warned that the text of the agreement he signed would mean checks between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
The former prime minister and his allies now say no one expected the EU to enforce the agreement in such a strict and inflexible way. The real answer to all this may lie in the politics of the time.
In 2019, Boris Johnson was eager to get a deal agreed with Brussels and campaign in a general election on the back of it.
This meant some of the thornier parts of the treaty were somewhat played down at the time. But it also stored up problems that Rishi Sunak is now trying to fix.
If this deal goes through, will Brexit then be done?
It will be more “done” than it ever has been. But overall, not really.
For a start, the Northern Ireland Protocol has a consent mechanism built into it, meaning that members of the devolved assembly in Belfast will vote next year on whether to keep the arrangement.
If a simple majority of Stormont members approves the deal, then it will remain in place for four years, at which point another vote will take place.
If it passes with a higher approval percentage in both unionist and republican parties, then the next vote will happen in eight years’ time. Then there’s the issue of the UK signing trade deals with other countries around the world.
This could mean changes to domestic rules and regulations that would have a knock-on impact for Northern Ireland and for the UK’s broader relationship with the EU.
Future governments may also decide to take a different approach with Brussels meaning Brexit and the country’s relationship with its closest neighbours will stay a live issue for a good time yet.
Hundreds of barber shops and other cash-heavy businesses have been targeted in a three-week money laundering blitz.
Police went to 265 premises, including vape shops, nail bars, American-themed sweet shops and car washes across England in a crackdown on high street crime.
The National Crime Agency (NCA) said 35 arrests were made, 97 people suspected to be victims of modern slavery were placed under police protection, and bank accounts containing more than £1m were frozen.
More than £40,000 in cash, some 200,000 cigarettes, 7,000 packs of tobacco, and more than 8,000 illegal vapes were also seized during Operation Machinize, which involved 19 different police forces and regional organised crime units.
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Officers also found two cannabis farms containing a total of 150 plants, while 10 shops have been shut down.
The NCA estimates that £12bn of criminal cash is generated in the UK each year with businesses such as barber shops, vape shops, nail bars, American-themed sweet shops and car washes often used by criminals.
Image: Goods seized during a visit to a vape shop in Rochdale. Pic: GMP/PA
Image: Police officers at a shop in Tameside. Pic: GMP/PA
Rachael Herbert, deputy director of the National Economic Crime Centre at the NCA, said: “Operation Machinize targeted barber shops and other high street businesses being used as cover for a whole range of criminality, all across the country.
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“We have seen links to drug trafficking and distribution, organised immigration crime, modern slavery and human trafficking, firearms, and the sale of illicit tobacco and vapes.
“We know cash-intensive businesses are used as fronts for money laundering, facilitating some of the highest harm and highest impact offending in the UK.”
Image: Money laundering crackdown. Pic: NCA
Security minister Dan Jarvis said the operation “highlights the scale and complexity of the criminality our towns and cities face”.
“High street crime undermines our security, our borders, and the confidence of our communities, and I am determined to take the decisive action necessary to bring those responsible to justice,” he said.
A skunk-smoking mother who murdered her two young sons in the bath while in a psychotic state has been jailed for life with a minimum term of more than 21 years.
Kara Alexander was found guilty of drowning Elijah Thomas, two, and Marley Thomas, five, at the home they shared in Dagenham, east London, in December 2022.
Post-mortems on the boys found they had either been drowned or suffocated – but Alexander accepted at trial that she had placed them in the bath before they “accidentally” drowned.
Returning to Kingston Crown Court on Friday, Mr Justice Bennathan sentenced Alexander to life imprisonment with a minimum term of 21 years and 252 days.
The judge referred to the children’s father finding his deceased sons next to one another as “the stuff of nightmares”.
Mr Justice Bennathan said: “On the evening of 15 December 2022, you’d been smoking skunk.
“You’d been doing so every night for weeks, probably much longer. At some stage, both the boys were in their pyjamas ready for bed, with Elijah also wearing his nappy.
“You drowned them both by your deliberate acts.”
The judge said Alexander “unspeakably” held the boys under water for “up to a minute or two”.
“The bath was probably still run from their normal evening routine and I do not think for a moment that your dreadful acts were pre-meditated,” he said.
The judge said Alexander dried the boys, put them in clean pyjamas and laid them together, tucked in under duvets, on the same bunk bed.
“The next morning, their father, worried by your unusual silence, came and found them. The stuff of nightmares,” he said.
The jury heard how the boys’ father was due to have them that weekend and became increasingly concerned when he had not heard back from Alexander.
When he arrived at their home, she told him the children were upstairs sleeping.
When the father returned downstairs to call for help, Alexander had run away. It took the police around an hour to find her.
The Metropolitan Police said forensic analysis of Alexander’s phone, which had been found in a filled sink, showed it had been in regular use in the run-up to the murders, but on the day the children were found, no calls were made or messages sent.
This led detectives to believe that she had intentionally been avoiding people following their deaths.
Prosecutors said they built their case on showing the boys could not have accidentally drowned and that the only reasonable explanation for their deaths was that Alexander caused them to drown.
The judge said there was every sign Alexander was a “caring and affectionate” mother to both children before the events of 15 December 2022.
He pointed out that their father said Alexander “never shouted or raised her voice at the boys” and “never showed violence to the boys”.
The judge said: “From all that I have read and seen of you, I have no doubt that every day when you awake you will remember and grieve for the little boys whose lives you snatched away.”
Mr Justice Bennathan said Alexander was in a psychotic state when she killed her sons and that it was cannabis induced.
He said Alexander had a previous psychotic episode in 2016 in which cannabis also probably played a part, but acknowledged he could not be sure she was aware that the drug could trigger another psychotic state.
In his sentencing remarks, Mr Justice Bennathan warned of the dangers of drugs.
He said: “The heavy use of skunk or other hyper-strong strains of cannabis can plunge people into a mental health crisis in which they may harm themselves or others.
“If any drug user does not know that, it’s about time they did.
“At your trial, Kara Alexander, the three psychiatrists who gave evidence disagreed about a number of things, but on that they were unanimous.
“It will comfort nobody connected to this case, but if these events bring home that message to even a few people, some slight good may come from what is otherwise an unmitigated tragedy.”
Detective Chief Inspector Paul Waller, who led the investigation, said: “This is an incredibly tragic case, which has left a father without his two beloved boys and a family without two young brothers.
“Kara Alexander will spend the next two decades behind bars, where the memory of what she has done will haunt her forever.
“To the family and friends of Elijah and Marley, while no amount of time will erase the pain of such a loss, I hope this sentence serves to bring some semblance of justice.
“I hope you can now move on with your life, remembering the boys as you knew them, and treasuring the happy times you spent with them.”
A groundbreaking new cancer treatment, hailed by patients as “game-changing”, will be available via the NHS from today.
The drug capivasertib has been shown in trials to slow the spread of the most common form of incurable breast cancer.
Taken in conjunction with an already-available hormonal therapy, it has been shown in trials to double how long treatment will keep the cancer cells from progressing.
“I don’t look at myself anymore as a dying person,” says Elen Hughes, who has been using the drug since February this year.
“I look at myself as a thriving person, who will carry on thriving for as long as I possibly can.”
Image: Elen Hughes says capivasertib has extended her life and improved its quality
Mrs Hughes, from North Wales, was first diagnosed with primary breast cancer in 2008.
Eight years later, then aged 46 and with three young children, she was told the cancer had returned and spread.
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She says that capivasertib, which she has been able to access via private healthcare, has not only extended her life but improved its quality with fewer side effects than previous medications.
It also delays the need for more aggressive blanket treatments like chemotherapy.
Image: Capivasertib is now available from the NHS
“What people don’t understand is that they might look at the statistics and see that [the therapy] is effective for eight months versus two months, or whatever,” says Mrs Hughes.
“But in cancer, and the land that we live in, really we can do a lot in six months.”
Mrs Hughes says her cancer therapy has allowed her “to see my daughter get married” and believes it is “absolutely brilliant” that the new drug will be available to more patients via the NHS.
The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence approved capivasertib for NHS-use after two decades of research by UK teams.
Professor Nicholas Turner, from the Institute of Cancer Research which led the study, told Sky News it was a “great success story for British science”.
Image: Professor Nicholas Turner wants urgent genetic testing of patients with advanced breast cancers to see if they could benefit
The new drug is suitable for patients’ tumours with mutations or alterations in the PIK3CA, AKT1 or PTEN genes, which are found in approximately half of patients with advanced breast cancer.