The UK’s inability to replenish its dwindling munitions stockpile is putting national security at risk, MPs have warned.
The UK and its NATO allies have allowed reserves of ammunition to fall to “dangerously low levels” while supporting Ukraine in its defence against Russia, according to the Commons Defence Committee.
And it could take at least a decade to rebuild supplies after the war has ended, the committee has warned.
A Ministry of Defence (MoD) spokesman said it was continuing to “place orders to replace ammunition given to Ukraine and (we) have an extra £560m to increase stockpiles”.
The Commons Defence Committee has urged the MoD to draw up an action plan to cut the time needed to restore the UK’s munition stockpiles.
“It is clear that the UK and its NATO allies have allowed ammunition stockpiles to dwindle to dangerously low levels,” the committee warned in a report on Tuesday.
“Whilst Russia is also facing the diminution of its stockpiles, other adversaries are able to maintain and potentially increase their own.
“This inability to replenish UK stockpiles therefore puts at risk not just our ability to resupply Ukraine, but also to counter any threat to our own security.”
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37:50
Is the British Army fighting fit?
Armed forces have been ‘hollowed out’
The committee’s warning echoes concerns expressed by Defence Secretary Ben Wallace, who has said that armed forces across Europe have been paying the price for years of “hollowing out”.
Whitehall and defence industry sources also told Sky News last month that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine had exposed how past assumptions on what would be needed to fight a war were far too small.
They urged Rishi Sunak to boost military spending to fund a massive expansion in total munition stores or else risk no longer being able to support the Ukrainian armed forces at the level needed to sustain their war effort, let alone secure Britain’s own defences.
NATO allies urged to step up production
The government’s strategy before Russia’s invasion had been to hold a limited number of warfighting supplies – it costs money to keep in storage things like ammunition and spare parts – and rely on industry to deliver more in a crisis.
However, the sheer volume of equipment needed to sustain a war effort like Ukraine’s has demonstrated that this plan would not work in practice, according to the sources.
Last month, NATO secretary general Jens Stoltenberg urged allies urgently to step up production, as the Ukrainians were burning up munitions faster than the West was able to keep them supplied.
The Commons Defence Committee said it was essential that the UK’s defence industrial capacity was both “resilient and scalable” if it was to be able to ramp up production.
“The MoD produced a strategy aimed at improving the way that it engages with industry and allies almost two years ago and yet we have been told it will take at least a decade to replenish (and then increase to a sustainable level) UK ammunition stockpiles,” it said.
“We therefore recommend that the department produce an action plan of how it intends to grow defence industrial capacity and reduce the time taken to replenish UK stockpiles.”
Committee chairman Tobias Ellwood said Russia’s invasion of Ukraine “should be a wake-up call for the West”, while Labour’s shadow defence secretary John Healey accused the government of acting “too slowly” to replenish supplies.
A Ministry of Defence spokesman said: “We remain fully engaged with industry, allies, and partners to ensure both the continuation of supply to Ukraine and replenishment of UK stock as quickly as possible.”
Jean-Marie Le Pen was variously loved and loathed – but he changed the shape of modern French politics.
His youth was shaped by war and he then lived a life of constant battles.
Le Pen’s political career, which was a very long one, was all about belligerence, anger, regret and scapegoats. In his world, everything that had gone wrong could be blamed on someone else.
Mostly, his targets were either migrants or Muslims, or ideally migrants who were also Muslims. But he also berated bureaucrats, gay people and the Arab world in general.
He was convicted of inciting discrimination, downplayed the Holocaust as merely “a detail”, assaulted a fellow MP in the European Parliament and was eventually expelled from his own party – then led by his own daughter – for being an unapologetic extremist.
And yet it would be wrong to write Le Pen off as merely an agitator.
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He was, instead, a catalyst within French politics – a lightning rod who edged far-right opinions back towards the mainstream. He maintained that France was for the French, a nationalist sentiment that resonates across so many countries to this day.
Le Pen was born in Brittany in 1928, the son of a fisherman and a seamstress. His father, Jean, was killed when his boat was blown up by a German mine during the Second World War but Le Pen went on to enjoy military life and served in Vietnam and Algeria. He bemoaned France’s withdrawal from its colonies and, as he saw it, the consequent loss of power and prestige.
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6:04
France’s Jean-Marie Le Pen dies
On his return to France, Le Pen moved into right-wing politics. He helped to form the National Front in 1972, uniting a disparate group of supporters. Emboldened, Le Pen ran for president in 1974, but ended up with less than 1% of the vote.
He had, however, started the process of establishing himself as a profoundly divisive figure.
In 1976, his apartment was bombed, blowing out a side of the building. Nobody was killed and the perpetrators were never caught.
But the violence of the attack against him seemed to energise Le Pen. And the following year, a wealthy supporter left him a new home – a mansion to the west of Paris built on the orders of Napoleon III. Le Pen, along with his three daughters – Marie-Caroline, Yann and Marine – all lived there.
Their mother, Pierrette, separated from Le Pen because of his extreme views. He refused to pay alimony saying that “if she wants money, she can clean”. Instead, she accepted the offer to pose for semi-naked photos in Playboy magazine, wearing a maid’s outfit and pretending to clean. The magazine sold around 250,000 more copies than normal.
That crushing electoral defeat did not dissuade Le Pen. Instead, it was to be merely the first of five attempts to win the presidency. None would be successful but on one extraordinary occasion, in 2002, he came second in the first round of popular voting, with the backing of 4.8m voters.
It was a result that pushed Le Pen into a run-off against the sitting president, Jacques Chirac. Fearful of Le Pen’s extremism, Mr Chirac won backing from across the political spectrum and emerged with the biggest landslide in France’s modern history – 82% for him, 18% for Le Pen. Mr Chirac’s vote rose by nearly 20m votes from the first round – Le Pen’s tally went up by just 700,000.
The outcome said much about Le Pen. He had enthused many in the far-right with a rhetoric that seemed, at times, anti-establishment, racist, antisemitic, xenophobic and radical, but which also promised to do anything to protect France and the French.
Clearly, there were millions who would support it but, just as clearly, there were many more who would do anything to stop Le Pen, even if that might mean voting for the widely disliked Mr Chirac. “Rather a crook than a racist” was a familiar statement at the time.
The election marked the high-water mark for Le Pen’s career. In the coming years, his support fell. In 2011, he stood down as leader and was succeeded by his daughter Marine Le Pen.
Le Pen continued as an MEP, but his uncompromising views became ever more at odds with Ms Le Pen’s more emollient approach.
When Le Pen refused to apologise for yet another antisemitic comment, he was suspended, and then expelled, from the party he had founded. A little later, Ms Le Pen was to rename the party the Rassemblement National – the National Rally – to further distance herself from her father’s shadow.
He started a new far-right party and continued campaigning, but by now he was a spent force. There was only space for one Le Pen, and Ms Le Pen had usurped him.
But her father’s influence lingered on. “His impact is still very great today,” said Dr Benjamin Biard, a political analyst specialising in the far right.
“It’s not just Jean-Marie Le Pen. There is the impact of Marine Le Pen who also changed the party, mainly in its structure, its symbols and the way it communicates. For everything else, it has remained generally faithful to the ideals of the National Front as Jean-Marie Le Pen designed it when the party was first founded.
“His ability, playing in his charisma and his way of communicating, has been very inspirational for other political organisations in other countries, particularly in Europe.”
Le Pen brought raw, unapologetic opinions that were, for many, unpalatable, offensive, divisive and sometimes even illegal, but which also helped to remould French politics.
He enjoyed the spotlight, spoke with passion, and enjoyed smiling, performing and shaking hands while the storm swirled around him. Le Pen was divisive and difficult, but he was also impossible to ignore.
Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder of the French far-right National Front party, has died aged 96.
Le Pen shook the French political establishment when he unexpectedly reached the presidential election run-off vote against Jacques Chirac in 2002.
Despite losing in a landslide, he rewrote the parameters of French politics in a career spanning multiple decades, harnessing voter discontent over immigration and job security – heralding president-elect Donald Trump’s own rise.
Throughout his career he faced accusations of racism, and his controversial statements included Holocaust denial.
After leading the then-National Front from 1972 to 2011, he was succeeded as party chief by his daughter, Marine Le Pen.
She has since run for the presidency three times and turned the party, now called the National Rally, into one of the country’s main political forces.
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Jordan Bardella, current president of the National Rally, confirmed Le Pen’s death on social media.
He said: “Today I am thinking with sadness of his family, his loved ones, and of course of Marine whose mourning must be respected.”
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In a statement, the National Rally paid tribute to Le Pen.
It highlighted his early years spent fighting in some of France’s colonial wars, including in Algeria, and said he was a politician who was “certainly unruly and sometimes turbulent”.
It went on to say he brought forward the issues which define modern political debate in France.
“For the National Rally, he will remain the one who, in the storms, held in his hands the small flickering flame of the French Nation,” it added.
President Emmanuel Macron also expressed his condolences in a statement, saying: “A historic figure of the far right, he played a role in the public life of our country for nearly seventy years, which is now a matter for history to judge.”
A controversial career
Born in 1928, the son of a Breton fisherman, he was an intensely polarising figure known for his fiery rhetoric against immigration and multiculturalism that earned him both staunch supporters and widespread condemnation.
He made Islam, and Muslim immigrants, his primary targets, blaming them for the economic and social woes of France.
His controversial statements, including Holocaust denial and his 1987 proposal to forcibly isolate people with AIDS in special facilities, led to multiple convictions and strained his political alliances, including with his own daughter.
Accusations of racism followed him, and he was tried, convicted and fined for contesting war crimes after declaring that Nazi gas chambers were “merely a detail” of World War Two history.
“I stand by this because I believe it is the truth,” he said in 2015 when asked if he regretted the comment.
He had 11 prior convictions, including for violence against a public official and antisemitic hate speech.
His death comes as his daughter faces a potential prison term, and ban on running for political office, if convicted in an embezzling trial currently underway.
She was thousands of miles away in the French territory of Mayotte, inspecting the aftermath of Cyclone Chido at the time of her father’s death.
Le Pen himself was exempted from prosecution over health grounds in the high-profile trial.
At least 53 people have died and dozens others have been injured after a strong earthquake in China, according to the country’s state media.
The 6.8 magnitude earthquake struck in a mountainous area in the autonomous Tibet region, near the border with Nepal, shortly after 9.05am on Tuesday, according to the China Earthquake Networks Centre.
The US Geological Survey (USGS) said it had recorded a 7.1 magnitude earthquake, centred in the Tibet region.
China’s state-run Xinhua News Agency, citing the regional disaster relief headquarters, said alongside the 53 people who had died, 62 others had been injured.
About 1,500 fire and rescue workers have been deployed to search for people in the rubble, China’s Ministry of Emergency Management said.
State broadcaster China Central Television (CCTV) said the epicentre was in the Tingri region, around 380 kilometres (240 miles) from Tibet’s capital Lhasa and about 23 kilometres (14 miles) from the region’s second-largest city of Shigatse – also known as Xigaze.
Shigatse is one of the holiest cities of Tibet. It is home to the Tashilhunpo Monastery – the traditional seat of the Panchen Lama, who is second only to the Dalai Lama in terms of spiritual authority in Tibetan Buddhism.
According to state media, the initial earthquake was followed by a number of aftershocks with magnitudes of up to 4.4. Tremors were also felt in Nepal’s capital, Kathmandu, as well as Bhutan and northern India.
Anoj Raj Ghimire, chief district officer of Solukhumbu district in Nepal, said: “We felt a very strong earthquake. So far we have not received any report of injuries or physical loss.”
The earthquake struck in an area where the Indian and Eurasian plates clash, causing uplifts which form the Himalayan mountains.