The chancellor today skirted round contentious topics like onshore wind and home insulation in his budget, but did promise cash for nuclear power, carbon capture and energy bills.
The underlying commitment to net zero and clean energy were generally welcomed.
But campaigners have accused Jeremy Hunt of prioritising risky, “fanciful” technologies – such as machines that suck up carbon dioxide and bury it underground – over proven, but politically difficult, climate policies like boosting onshore renewables.
There is also widespread concern the budget does little to compete with the hundreds of billions unveiled by the US and EU to stimulate green growth investment, risking the UK falling behind in the “green industrial revolution”.
Nuclear reaction
A key announcement was that nuclear is to be classed as “environmentally sustainable”, subject to consultation, in a bid to pull in investment in the same way enjoyed by renewable energy.
Nuclear is costly and lengthy to build but provides reliable power without the pollution.
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Government climate advisers say some nuclear power is vital to the UK’s clean energy future.
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£20bn allocated to Carbon Capture Storage
But the chancellor was criticised for rehashing old pledges.
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He gleefully announced Great British Nuclear, an agency designed to revive the nuclear industry – but this has been promised before.
“The chancellor’s words on nuclear give a positive message, but it’s more like a ‘greatest hits’ compilation from the past, rather than anything new,” said Professor Adrian Bull, BNFL chair in Nuclear Energy and Society at the Dalton Nuclear Institute at Manchester University.
The government also announced a competition for mini reactors known as “small modular reactors (SMRs)”, which are not yet widely available.
If this young technology is “demonstrated to be viable” the government will “co-fund this exciting new technology”, the chancellor said.
This too resembles a previous announcement. In 2015 then-chancellor George Osborne launched a competition to identify the best design and get one built in the 2020s – a target yet to be hit.
Chris Stark, chief executive of the government’s climate advisors the Climate Change Committee (CCC), said nuclear seems to “have been announced and re-announced so many times”.
“SMRs [sic] would be useful if they are delivered as quickly as promised. Whether they will be though…” he wrote on Twitter.
Carbon capture, utilisation and storage
Another leap of faith, on top of the push for SMRs, is the push on carbon capture, utilisation and storage (CCUS).
It is an expensive technology, still in its infancy.
But the UK cannot afford to bypass CCUS, climate advisers said last week, because it is not cutting emissions enough.
Today the government pledged £20bn towards the technology in order to “increase resilience to future energy price shocks” – suggesting it would primarily be used to allow the UK to burn more gas, rather than to capture emissions from factories, for example.
Dr Steve Smith from Oxford University’s Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment said the funding was “good news” but needs extra policy decisions from government to become viable.
Some campaigners warn the UK is using it as an excuse not to cut emissions.
“Locking in reliance on gas power will increase our vulnerability to future energy price shocks, while adding in the additional costs, risks and uncertainty of trying to capture emissions from gas power plants,” said Alethea Warrington, senior campaigner at climate charity Possible.
“Including carbon capture will add even more costs, while being unproven to actually work and putting our climate, as well as our finances, at risk.”
Meanwhile Greenpeace called the £20bn over 20 years “frankly pathetic compared to the green growth investments being made in the US, EU and China”.
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24:03
Tom Heap investigates hydrogen’s role in the future of heating UK homes.
Capital expensing – and can the UK rival the US and EU’s mega green growth packages?
Sam Hall, director of the Conservative Environment Network, said today’s measures do bring the country closer to net zero.
He welcomed the announcement of full capital expensing for the next three years, saying it would help attract more investment in renewables and the supply chain. This should please the offshore wind sector.
“But with the USA and EU offering enormous green subsidies, the UK needs to up its game” to remain an attractive place to invest in wind and solar, as well as the next generation of clean industries like sustainable aviation fuel and green hydrogen, added Mr Hall.
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Experts are warning of the risk to rivers following the driest February for 30 years.
But the government will be talking more about net zero before the end of the month – the deadline by which it has to respond to a legal ruling on its net zero strategy.
The courts found the government’s net zero strategy was unlawful because it failed to outline how climate policies would meet legally binding carbon budgets – forcing ministers to rework their plans.
‘Zero mention of renewables’
Many were disappointed that the chancellor steered clear of lifting a de facto ban on onshore wind.
Antony Froggatt, of thinktank Chatham House’s Environment and Society Programme, said: “In the UK Budget there is zero mention of renewables and only £105m set aside for community supported energy efficiency compared to £235m funding for potholes.”
Onshore wind is politically contentious, with recent governments changing their minds on it.
Meanwhile, the EU and US are “rolling up their sleeves and supporting the domestic production of electric vehicles, solar panels and wind turbines, that will bring jobs now and make a difference in the 2020s”, said Mr Froggatt.
He warned the chancellor to “be careful the UK isn’t left at the starting line of this new and more competitive low carbon race.”
Friends of the Earth criticised the “glaring gap” in the budget on onshore wind and home insulation.
Energy bill help a ‘sticking plaster’ compared with home insulation
Good news amid the cost of living crisis came in the form of a decision to extend the energy price guarantee, which caps average household bills at £2,500, for a further three months to June.
It had been due to rise to £3,000 in April and the cost of scrapping the planned 20% increase will amount to around £3bn.
However, the chancellor stopped short of new commitments on home insulation, which advocates say would bring down household bills permanently.
In his autumn statement Hunt did pledge £6.6bn during this parliament for energy efficiency, and a further £6bn from 2025. But energy groups say £6bn a year is needed to upgrade leaky homes and promote heat pumps.
Insulation rates were over 90% higher in the 2000 and 2010s to 2013, at which point the Cameron administration “cut the green crap”, according to thinktank ECIU.
Jo-Jo Hubbard, CEO of network optimisation specialist Electron, called the energy bill support a “sticking plaster” that is “about to wash off.”
Upgrade the grid!
Instead the government should upgrade Britain’s outdated electricity network, added Ms Hubbard, one of many in the industry warning of the problems it is creating.
At the moment consumers are paying for wind to be switched off when the grid can’t handle the capacity. New power capacity is also waiting to be connected, said Ms Hubbard.
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The chancellor is under pressure because financial market moves have pushed up the cost of government borrowing, putting Rachel Reeves’ economic plans in peril.
So what’s going on, and should we be worried?
What is a bond?
UK Treasury bonds, known as gilts because they used to literally have gold edges, are the mechanism by which the state borrows money from investors.
They pay a fixed annual return, known as a coupon, to the lender over a fixed period – five, 10 and 30 years are common durations – and are traded on international markets, which means their value changes even as the return remains fixed.
That means their true interest rate is measured by the ‘yield’, which is calculated by dividing the annual return by the current price. So when bond prices fall, the yield – the effective interest rate – goes up.
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And for the last three months, markets have been selling off UK bonds, pushing borrowing costs higher. This week the yield on 30-year gilts reached its highest level since 1998 at 5.37%, and 10-year gilts briefly hit a level last seen after the financial crisis, sparking jitters in markets and in Westminster.
Why are investors selling UK bonds?
Bond markets are influenced by many factors but the primary domestic pressure is the prospect of persistent inflation, with interest rates staying high for longer as a consequence.
Higher inflation reduces the purchasing power of the coupon, and higher interest rates make the bond less competitive because investors can now buy bonds paying a higher rate. Both of which apply in the UK.
Inflation remains higher than the Bank of England‘s 2% target and many large companies are warning of further price rises as tax and wage rises bite in the spring.
As a result, the Bank is now expected to cut rates only twice this year, as opposed to the four reductions priced in by markets as recently as November.
Nor is there much optimism that the economic growth promised by the chancellor will save the day in the short term, with business groups warning investment will be tempered by taxes.
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Sky News’ Ed Conway on the impact of increased long-term borrowing costs as they hit their highest level in the UK since 1998
Is the UK alone?
No. Bond markets are international and in recent months the primary influence has been rising borrowing costs in the US, triggered by Donald Trump’s re-election and the assumption that tariffs and other policies will be inflationary.
The UK is not immune from those forces, and other European nations including Germany and France, facing their own political gyrations, have seen costs rise too. (The US influence could yet increase if strong labour market figures on Friday reinforce the sense that rates will remain high).
But there are specific domestic factors, particularly the prospect of stagflation. The UK is also more reliant on overseas investors than other G7 nations, which means the markets really matter.
Why does it matter to Reeves?
The cost of borrowing affects not just the issuance of new debt but the price of maintaining existing loans, and it matters because these higher costs could erode the “headroom” Ms Reeves left herself in her budget.
Headroom is a measure of how much slack she has against her self-imposed fiscal rule, itself intended to reassure markets that the UK is a stable location for investment, to fund day-to-day spending entirely from tax revenue by 2029-30.
At the budget, she had just £9.9bn of headroom and some analysts estimate market pressure has eroded all but £1bn of that.
At the end of March the Office for Budget Responsibility will provide an update on the fiscal position and market conditions could change before then, but if they don’t then Ms Reeves may have to rewrite her plans.
The Treasury this week described the fiscal rules as “non-negotiable”, which leaves a choice between raising taxes or, more likely, cutting costs to make the numbers add up.
Why does it matter to the rest of us?
Persistently higher rates could push up consumer debt costs, increasing the burden of mortgages and other loans. Beyond that, the state of the economy matters to all of us.
The underlying challenges – persistent inflation, stagnant growth, worse productivity, ailing public services – are fundamental, and Labour has promised to address them.
Investment in infrastructure and new industries, spurred by planning and financial market reform, are all promised as medium-term solutions to the structural challenges. But politics, like financial markets, is a short-term business, and Ms Reeves could do with some relief, starting with helpful inflation and growth figures due next week.
Under his leadership, the union waged years of strike action over pay and conditions before accepting a deal with the new Labour government this summer.
The rail strikes by RMT members were part of the wave of industrial action that meant 2022 had the highest number of strike days since 1989.
Walkouts began in June 2022 and did not officially conclude until September 2024.
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“It has been a privilege to serve this union for over 30 years in all capacities, but now it is time for change,” Mr Lynch said.
He will remain in post until a successor is appointed in May, the RMT said.
Why’s he retiring?
No reason was given for his departure but Mr Lynch said there was a need for change and new workers to fight.
“There has never been a more urgent need for a strong union for all transport and energy workers of all grades, but we can only maintain and build a robust organisation for these workers if there is renewal and change,” he said.
“RMT will always need a new generation of workers to take up the fight for its members and for a fairer society for all”.
A career of organising
Mr Lynch first joined the RMT in 1993 after he began working for Eurostar. Before being elected secretary general at the top of the organisation he worked as the assistant general secretary for two terms and as the union’s national executive committee executive, also for two terms.
As a qualified electrician, Mr Lynch helped set up the Electrical and Plumbing Industries Union (EPIU) in 1988, before working for Eurostar and joining the RMT.
He had worked in construction and was blacklisted for joining a union.
“This union has been through a lot of struggles in recent years, and I believe that it has only made it stronger despite all the odds,” Mr Lynch said.
An intervention by the chancellor to help shore up flagging financial market confidence in the UK economy has been ruled out by the government, amid further declines in the value of the pound.
Sterling fell to its lowest level against the dollar since November 2023 early on Thursday, building on recent losses.
A toxic cocktail of concerns include budget-linked flatlining growth, rising unemployment and the effects of elevated interest rates to help keep a lid on rising inflation.
They have also been borne out by a leap in UK long term borrowing costs, which hit levels not seen since 1998 earlier this week.
It piles pressure on the chancellor because it signals that investors are demanding greater rewards in return for holding UK debt, adding unwelcome costs to Ms Reeves who is borrowing money to invest in public services in addition to the budget tax burden on business and the wealthy.
The Tories were granted an urgent question in the Commons this morning which urged her to account for the shift in the market reaction to her budget, which critics have warned will only harm investment, jobs, pay and lead to higher prices.
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Treasury minister Darren Jones, who was sent to reply on her behalf, told MPs there were no plans for further commentary beyond a Treasury statement issued on Wednesday which defended the government’s approach.
Shadow chancellor Mel Stride urged Ms Reeves to cancel her forthcoming, and long-planned, trade trip to China to allow for a change of course to recover market confidence.
He claimed Britons are having to “pay the price for yet another socialist government taxing and spending their way into trouble”.
Mr Jones responded that he would take no lessons on managing the economy from the Conservatives.
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Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey demanded an emergency fiscal statement to parliament that cancelled the National Insurance hike planned for April to boost economic growth and bring interest rates down.
In addition to the strain on sterling over Mr Reeves’s tax and spending plans, the effect on the pound has been intensified by a strengthening dollar due to shifting market expectations of fewer US interest rate cuts this year.
Sterling is trading at $1.22 – a level last seen in November 2023.
The spot rate had stood as high as $1.34 in September.
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Investors ‘losing confidence’ in UK
It has also fallen sharply however against other countries’ currencies.
The pound is a cent down versus the euro at €1.19 on the start of the week, falling six tenths of a cent in today’s market moves.
Long-term bond yields, which reflect perceived risk, hit their highest level since 1998 this week and other benchmark gilt yields are heading north too.
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Cost of public borrowing at 26-year high
Additional borrowing costs make it more expensive for Rachel Reeves to service the debt she is taking on.
It may mean she faces a choice between more tax rises – something she had previously ruled out – or spending cuts as higher borrowing costs take their toll.
The Treasury said in its statement: “No one should be under any doubt that meeting the fiscal rules is non-negotiable and the Government will have an iron grip on the public finances,”
“UK debt is the second lowest in the G7 and only the OBR’s forecast can accurately predict how much headroom the government has – anything else is pure speculation.
“Kick-starting economic growth is the number one mission of this Government as we deliver on our Plan for Change. Over the coming weeks and months, the Chancellor will leave no stone unturned in her determination to deliver economic growth and fight for working people.”
But Matthew Ryan, head of market strategy at global financial services firm Ebury, said of the market moves: “This is a damning indictment of Labour’s fiscal policies, particularly the hike to employer NI (National Insurance) contributions, which businesses have already warned will lead to higher prices and a worsening in labour market conditions.
“We see wide ranging repercussions of this bond market sell-off. On the one hand, weak demand for UK debt raises the risk of either government spending cuts or further tax hikes to balance the country’s finances, neither of which would be positive for growth.
“Elevated gilt yields are also likely to be reflected in higher mortgage rates, which would provide a further squeeze on household disposable incomes.
“These worries have placed a high premium on UK assets, and we would not rule out additional downside for sterling as a result.”