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Chinese President Xi Jinping speaks with Russian President Vladimir Putin as leaders gather for a family photo during the Belt and Road Forum on Yanqi Lake, outside Beijing, China, May 15, 2017.

Damir Sagolj | Reuters

China and Russia are taking center stage this week as both countries look to deepen ties just as a chasm with the West, on a geopolitical and economic as well as military front, appears to be getting deeper, according to analysts.

A three-day state visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Moscow this week, which began Monday, was hailed by China and Russia’s presidents as the result of solid and cooperative relations between the two leaders and their respective nations, and comes after a determined drive over the last decade to strengthen diplomatic, defense and trade ties.

Ahead of the visit, President Vladimir Putin said in an article that “unlike some countries claiming hegemony and bringing discord to the global harmony, Russia and China are literally and figuratively building bridges” while his Chinese counterpart returned the favor, telling AFP he is “confident the visit will be fruitful and give new momentum to the healthy and stable development of Chinese-Russian relations.”

Xi’s visit to Moscow is something of a political coup for Russia given that it comes at a time when Russia has few high-powered friends left on the international stage, and little to show for its invasion of Ukraine.

Russian forces have made little tangible progress despite a year of fighting, and a largely isolated Moscow continues to labor under the weight of international sanctions. To add insult to injury, the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Putin on Friday, alleging that he is responsible for war crimes committed in Ukraine during the war.

Nonetheless, China and Russia have long shared similar geopolitical aims, such as a desire to see what they call a “multi-polar world” and the curbing of NATO’s military might, that unite them. And perhaps the most significant shared viewpoint of all is their mutual, long-standing distrust of the West.

A confluence of recent events — from the war in Ukraine to Western restrictions on semiconductor tech exports to China and, lately, a nuclear submarines deal between the U.S., U.K. and Australia that irked Beijing — has only served to bring the countries even closer together, according to analysts.

“If you look at the trajectory of China-Russia relations within the last decade, bilateral ties between the two countries have really developed tremendously,” Alicja Bachulska, policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) told CNBC, saying that the process of developing ties had begun back in the 1990s.

“It’s basically about certain strategic interests, that are very close to both Beijing and Moscow at this point,” she added. “For both Russia and China, the main interest is to weaken the U.S.-led international order, that’s their primary goal, long term and short term.”

The Ukraine factor

For both China and Russia, the war in Ukraine is both a challenge to that U.S.-led world order and a way to undermine it, analysts note.

China has held back from openly supporting Russia’s war in Ukraine but it has also refused to condemn the invasion. Instead, it has echoed Moscow in criticizing the U.S. and NATO for what it sees as “fueling the fire” over Ukraine. It has also sought to carve out a niche for itself as peacemaker, calling on both sides to agree a cease-fire and come to the negotiating table for talks.

Behind the scenes, the West is concerned that Beijing could provide lethal weaponry to Russia to enable it to gain the upper hand in Ukraine, as U.S. intelligence suggested last month. Ukraine’s Western allies have signaled that any move to do so would be a red line and that, should Beijing cross it, there would be “consequences” in the form of sanctions placed on China.

Beijing has vehemently denied it is planning on supplying Russia with any military hardware. China’s foreign ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said Monday, reiterating previous comments, that the West was supplying weapons to Ukraine, not China, telling reporters that “the U.S. side should stop fueling the fires and fanning the flames … and play a constructive role for a political solution to the crisis in Ukraine, not the other way around.”

China’s President Xi Jinping waves as he disembarks off his aircraft upon arrival at Moscow’s Vnukovo airport on March 20, 2023.

Anatoliy Zhdanov | Afp | Getty Images

China has denied it is planning to help Moscow militarily but analysts say Beijing is concerned over the war in Ukraine, noting that China views a Russian failure in Ukraine as a threat, given that it carries the risk of a potentially seismic political fallout back in Russia that in turn could harm Beijing.

“The worst case scenario for Beijing now is Russia’s complete failure in this war,” the ECFR’s Bachulska said.

“If they begin to think that Russia might fail — and that in the really worst-case nightmare scenario that there [could be then] a pro-democratic government in Moscow — for China, this would be a very threatening scenario,” she noted, seen as both a “direct threat to Beijing, and the stability of the CCP [Chinese Communist Party].”

This fear, she said, could sway China when it considers whether to offer Putin help in Ukraine. “They will probably be able to provide more support if they realize that the balance of power on the battlefield is against Russia,” Bachulska noted.

China has 'doubled down' on its support for Russia, says research organization

It’s highly likely that, should China help Russia in terms of weaponry or military technology, however, it will look to do it in a very covert way, analysts including Bachulska and those at the Institute for the Study of War have noted, such as using Belarus or other countries.

“Xi likely plans to discuss sanctions evasion schemes with Putin and Russian officials to support the sale and provision of Chinese equipment to Russia,” the ISW said in analysis ahead of the Xi-Putin summit, noting that it had previously assessed that during a recent meeting between the presidents of Belarus and China, agreements may have been signed that “facilitate Russian sanctions evasion by channeling Chinese products through Belarus.”

The ISW said Xi and Putin are “likely to discuss sanctions evasion schemes and Chinese interest in mediating a negotiated settlement to the war in Ukraine.”  CNBC contacted China’s Foreign Ministry for a response to the comments and is yet to receive a response.

Tech and trade wars

While possible military aid for China is something the West needs to watch closely, the depth and breadth of China’s loyalty toward Moscow is seen to be finite, with Beijing likely reluctant to risk major sanctions on its own economy just to help Russia.

On the other hand, analysts note that China, like Russia, has a vested interested in seeing the U.S. and wider West weakened, both geopolitically and diplomatically — for instance, if China can step in as a mediator in the conflict in Ukraine — and on an economic level, if the two nations can forge closer trade ties. This would come as the U.S. and Europe challenge China’s economic power, most recently with the introduction of sweeping export control rules aimed at restricting China’s ability to access advanced computing chips.

“Export controls on Chinese high tech — which reflect a policy of targeted containment — brings Xi closer to Putin in worldview and orientation,” Ian Bremmer,  founder and president of the Eurasia Group, told CNBC, adding: “I think that’s likely to be reflected in Xi’s statements when he … visits Putin in Moscow, and that’s going to be a big deal geopolitically,” Bremmer noted.

How Biden’s chip export restrictions hit chip stocks

While Russia might offer China a convenient trading and diplomatic partnership as other routes to Western markets look increasingly vulnerable, analysts note that the relationship between China and Russia is an imbalanced one.

“China doesn’t really need Russia,” Christopher Granville, managing director of global political research at TS Lombard, told CNBC. “Russia is a very tiny economy compared to China’s with the exception of some very specific things, such as its hydrocarbon exports and some aspects of its military industries,” he noted.

“What I would say though is that the U.S. pressing on China, especially in these trade wars and now tech wars, is a clear zero-sum project by the U.S. government to prevent China from reaching the frontier of key technologies, notably semiconductors,” he noted.

“It seems to me that as a result of the U.S. government’s zero-sum campaign to pull back China, to stop it getting ahead and keep it behind, is that suddenly the relationship with Russia becomes more valuable to China.”

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Massachusetts launches a two-year V2X pilot program

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Massachusetts launches a two-year V2X pilot program

Massachusetts is launching a first-of-its-kind statewide vehicle-to-everything (V2X) pilot program. This two-year initiative, backed by the Massachusetts Clean Energy Center (MassCEC), aims to deploy 100 bidirectional chargers to homes, school buses, municipal, and commercial fleet participants across the state.

These bidirectional chargers will enable EVs to serve as mobile energy storage units, collectively providing an estimated 1.5 MW of new storage capacity. That means EVs won’t just be getting power – they’ll be giving it back to the grid, helping to balance demand and support renewable energy use. The program is also focused on ensuring that low-income and disadvantaged communities have access to this cutting-edge tech.

The Massachusetts pilot is one of the largest state-led V2X initiatives in the US and is designed to tackle key challenges in deploying bidirectional charging technology. By strategically placing these chargers in a variety of settings, the program aims to identify and resolve barriers to wider adoption of V2X technology.

Massachusetts EV owners and fleet operators enrolled in the program will get bidirectional chargers capable of both vehicle-to-grid (V2G) and backup power operations at no cost. Here’s what they stand to gain:

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  • No-cost charging infrastructure: Bidirectional charging stations and installation are fully covered for participants.
  • Grid resilience: With an estimated 1.5 MW of new flexible and distributed storage assets, the program strengthens Massachusetts’ energy infrastructure.
  • Clean energy integration: V2G technology allows EVs to charge when renewable energy is available and discharge stored energy when it’s not, supporting the state’s clean energy goals.
  • Backup power: EV batteries can be used as backup power sources during outages.
  • Revenue opportunities: Some participants can earn money by sending stored energy back to the grid.

Clean energy solutions firm Resource Innovations and vehicle-grid integration tech company The Mobility House are leading the program’s implementation. “With the charging infrastructure provided through this program, we’re eliminating financial barriers and enabling school districts, homeowners, and fleets to access reliable backup power,” said Kelly Helfrich of Resource Innovations. “We aim to create a scalable blueprint for V2X programs nationwide.”

“Bidirectional charging benefits vehicle owners by providing backup power and revenue opportunities while strengthening the grid for the entire community,” added Russell Vare of The Mobility House North America.

The program is open for enrollment now through June 2025. For more details, visit the MassCEC V2X Program webpage. A list of eligible bidirectional vehicles can be found on that page.

Read more: Cambridge’s new solar VPPA is the largest ever by any US city


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Compton, California, just got its first 25 electric school buses

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Compton, California, just got its first 25 electric school buses

Compton, California, has unveiled 25 new electric school buses – the school district’s first – and 25 Tellus 180 kW DC fast chargers.

Compton Unified School District (CUSD) in southern Los Angeles County is putting 17 Thomas Built Type A and eight Thomas Built Type C electric school buses on the road this spring. In addition to working with Thomas Built, CUSD also collaborated with electrification-as-a-service provider Highland Electric Fleet, utility Southern California Edison, and school transportation provider Durham School Services.

Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) Clean School Bus Program awarded funds for the vehicles in the program’s first round. EPA also awarded CUSD funds for the third round of the program and anticipates introducing an additional 25 EV school buses in the future.

“I can’t stress enough how vital grants like these are and the need for continued support from our partners in government at the state and federal level to fund additional grants for school districts and their transportation partners that are ready to deliver and operate zero-emission buses,” said Tim Wertner, CEO of Durham School Services.

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CUSD, which serves Compton and parts of the cities of Carson and Los Angeles, currently serves more than 17,000 students at 36 sites. The district has a high school graduation rate of 93% and an 88% college acceptance rate. One in 11 children in Los Angeles County have asthma, which makes the need for emissions-free school transportation that much more pressing.

Read more: Thomas Built Buses debuts its next-gen electric school bus


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Rivian’s R1S electric SUV just got way cheaper to lease

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Rivian's R1S electric SUV just got way cheaper to lease

After cutting lease prices by $200 this month, the Rivian R1S is now surprisingly affordable. It may even be a better deal than the new Tesla Model Y.

Rivian cuts R1S lease prices by $200 per month

Rivian’s R1S is one of the hottest electric SUVs on the market. If you haven’t checked it out yet, you’re missing out.

With some of the best deals to date, now may be the time. Rivian lowered R1S lease prices earlier this month to just $599 for 36 months, with $8,493 due at signing (30,000 miles). The offer is for the new 2025 R1S Adventure Dual Standard, which starts at $75,900.

Before the price cut, the R1S was listed at $799 per month, with $8,694 due at signing. The electric SUV now has the same lease price as the R1T, despite costing $6,000 more.

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The 2025 R1T Dual Motor starts at $69,900, essentially making it a free $6,000 upgrade. At that price, you may even want to consider it over the new Tesla Model Y.

Tesla’s new Model Y Launch Series arrived with lease prices of $699 for 36 months. With $4,393 due at signing, the effective rate is $821 per month, or just $13 less than the R1S at $834. However, the 2025 R1S costs nearly $15,000 more, with the Model Y Launch Series price at $59,990.

Rivian is also offering an “All-Electric Upgrade Offer” of up to $6,000 for those looking to trade-in their gas-powered car, but base models are not included.

Starting Price Range
(EPA-est.)
2025 Rivian R1S Dual Standard $75,900 270 miles
2026 Tesla Model Y Launch Series $59,990 327 miles
Rivian R1S Dual Standard vs new Tesla Model Y Launch Series

To take advantage of the Rivian R1S lease deal, you must order it before March 15 and take delivery on or before March 31, 2025.

The 2025 Rivian R1S Dual Standard Motor has an EPA-estimated range of up to 270 miles. Tesla’s new Model Y Launch Series gets up to 327 miles.

Which electric SUV would you choose? Rivian’s R1S or the new Tesla Model Y? If you’re ready to check them out for yourself, you can use our links below to find deals on the Rivian R1S and Tesla Model Y in your area.

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