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The Supreme Court refused Monday to consider the appeal of a disbarred lawyer jailed for contempt of court after he won a $9.5 billion judgment against Chevron in an environmental lawsuit in Ecuador.

The attorney, Steven Donziger, was sentenced to six months in jail for failing to comply with a judge’s order to surrender all of his electronic devices.

He had asked the Supreme Court to take the case, arguing that a federal district court judge overstepped his legal authority in appointing three lawyers as special prosecutors to handle Donziger’s contempt trial after the U.S. Attorney in Manhattan declined to prosecute him.

Two conservative justices, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, dissented from the decision, saying they would have the Supreme Court accept the appeal by Donziger.

Gorsuch, in his blunt written dissent, suggested that the appointment of special prosecutors by the judge violated the Constitution’s separation of powers of branches of government, which gives the executive branch the power to file criminal cases, and the judiciary the power to interpret the laws.

“In this country, judges have no more power to initiate a prosecution of those who come before them than prosecutors have to sit in judgment of those they charge,” Gorsuch wrote.

“Our Constitution does not tolerate what happened here,” he added.

The other justices who voted to deny Donziger a hearing of his appeal did not explain their decision in writing, as is customary.

Ron Kuby, a lawyer for Donziger, told CNBC, “I was pleased to see that at least two justices of the United States Supreme Court found the Donziger prosecution was a constitutional abomination and should not be repeated.”

A Chevron spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The case stems from a lawsuit alleging decades of pollution of the South American Amazon region’s rain forests and rivers by Texaco, a corporate predecessor to Chevron.

A group of Ecuadorians represented by Donziger filed a class-action suit against Chevron in Manhattan federal court in 1993.

“At the company’s insistence, the court transferred the litigation to Ecuador,” Gorsuch wrote in his five-page dissent.

“Later, Chevron came to regret that move,” Gorsuch noted.

The plaintiffs in the lawsuit were awarded $9.5 billion from Chevron by a judge in Ecuador.

Chevron then filed a legal action in Manhattan federal court and won an injunction against the enforcement of the judgment in any U.S. court.

The company also obtained a so-called constructive trust on all assets Donziger had received as a result of the judgment in Ecuador.

Manhattan federal Judge Lewis Kaplan in a nearly 500-page ruling in 2014 wrote that Donziger and Ecuadorian lawyers “corrupted” the lawsuit in Ecuador.

Kaplan said the lawyers had, among other things, submitted fraudulent evidence, coerced a judge to use a supposedly impartial expert whose report was ghost-written by a Colorado consulting firm Donziger paid, and then promised $500,000 “to the Ecuadorian judge to rule in their favor and sign their judgment.”

To enforce the hold that Kaplan had placed on assets Donziger received in connection with the Ecuador judgment, he ordered Donziger to surrender all of his electronic devices so they could be imaged.

After Donziger failed to fully comply with that order, Kaplan held him in criminal contempt of court and referred that case to the U.S. Attorney’s Office, which normally prosecutes such matters.

However, the Manhattan U.S. Attorney declined to take the case.

Kaplan then appointed three lawyers as special prosecutors. Donziger then was tried, convicted and sentenced to jail.

Donziger had objected to Kaplan’s actions, arguing that a judge had no right to override a federal prosecutor’s discretion in deciding not to prosecute a case.

But the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit upheld his conviction.

In his dissent Monday, Gorsuch noted that the Supreme Court in the late 1980s “approved the use of court-appointed prosecutors as a ‘last resort’ in certain criminal contempt cases.”

“But that decision has met with considerable criticism,” Gorsuch added. “As Members of this Court have put it, the Constitution gives courts the power to ‘serve as a neutral adjudicator in a criminal case,’ not ‘the power to prosecute crimes.'”

In the Chevron case, Gorsuch wrote, “However much the district court may have thought Mr. Donziger warranted punishment, the prosecution in this case broke a basic constitutional promise essential to our
liberty.”

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Trump tariffs push Asian trade partners to weigh investing in massive Alaska energy project

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Trump tariffs push Asian trade partners to weigh investing in massive Alaska energy project

Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are considering investing in a massive natural gas project in Alaska in an attempt to reach trade deals that would both satisfy demands from President Donald Trump and avoid high U.S. tariffs on their exports.

Alaska has long sought to build an 800-mile pipeline crossing the state from the North Slope in the Arctic Circle to the Cook Inlet in the south, where gas would be cooled into liquid for export to Asia. The project, with a staggering price tag topping $40 billion, has been stuck on the drawing board for years.

Alaska LNG, as the project is known, is showing new signs of life — with Trump touting the project as a national priority. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said earlier this month that the liquified natural gas (LNG) project could play an important role in trade negotiations with South Korea, Japan and Taiwan.

“We are thinking about a big LNG project in Alaska that South Korea, Japan [and] Taiwan are interested in financing and taking a substantial portion of the offtake,” Bessent told reporters on April 9, saying such an agreement would help meet Trump’s goal of reducing the U.S. trade deficit.

Taiwan’s state oil and gas company CPC Corp. signed a letter of intent in March to purchase six million metric tons of gas from Alaska LNG, said Brendan Duval, CEO and founder of Glenfarne Group, the project’s lead developer.

“You can imagine the geopolitical enhancements whether it’s for tariff or military reasons — Taiwan is really, really focused on getting that signed up,” Duval told CNBC in an interview. CPC has also offered to invest directly in Alaska LNG and supply equipment, Duval said.

March trade mission

Duval and Alaska Governor Mike Dunleavy traveled to South Korea and Japan on a trade mission in March, meeting with high-ranking officials in government and industry. Japanese and South Korean companies have asked whether their development banks can help finance Alaska LNG, Duval said.

“Lately, there has been quite a lot of inquiries from India, so there’s a fourth horse that’s entered the race,” Duval said. Thailand and other Asian countries have also shown interest, he said.

The Alaska LNG project has three major pieces: The pipeline, a gas processing plant on the North Slope and a plant to liquify the gas for export at Nikiski, Alaska. These facilities are estimated to cost roughly $12 billion, $10 billion, and $20 billion respectively, Dunleavy said at an energy conference in Houston in March.

The permits for Alaska LNG are already in place, the CEO said. Glenfarne expects to reach a final investment decision in the next six to 12 months on the first phase of the project, a pipeline from the North Slope to Anchorage that will supply gas for domestic consumption in Alaska, Duval said.

Construction on the LNG plant is expected to begin in late 2026, the CEO said. The goal is to complete construction on the entire Alaska LNG project in four and a half years with full commercial operations starting in 2031, he said.

Alaska LNG plans to produce 20 million metric tons of LNG per year, equal to about 23% of the 87 million tons of LNG that the U.S. exported last year, according to data from Kpler, a commodity researcher.

‘Unleashing’ Alaska’s resources

Alaska plays a central role in Trump’s goal to boost production and exports of U.S. oil and gas, part of the White House’s agenda for U.S. “energy dominance.” The president issued an executive order on his first day in office seeking to tap Alaska’s “extraordinary resource potential,” prioritizing the development of LNG in the state.

“We’ll have that framed on our walls in Alaska for decades,” Gov. Dunleavy said at the Houston conference last month, referring to the executive order.

Once a net importer, the U.S. has rapidly become the largest exporter of LNG in the world, playing an increasingly vital role in fueling power plants in Asia and Europe for allies with limited domestic energy resources. Japan and South Korea, for example, each took about 8% of U.S. LNG exports last year, according to Kpler data.

The Trump administration views Alaska LNG as “an important strategic project,” Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said at the Houston energy conference. LNG exports from Alaska would reach Japan in about eight days rather than having to pass through the congested Panama Canal from terminals on the Gulf Coast, Dunleavy said at the same conference.

“They can have the opportunity to get delivered to them the most efficient LNG from an allied partner,” while avoiding chokepoints, Duval said. “This is the only LNG the U.S. can supply that has a direct route, and they are very cognizant about that in today’s environment.”

North Pacific talks

Trump told reporters during a joint press conference with Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba in February that the two countries were discussing the pipeline and the possibility of a joint venture to exploit Alaska oil and gas. Trump said he discussed the “large scale purchase of U.S. LNG” in an April 8 phone call with South Korea’s acting President Han Duck-Soo, and Korea’s participation in a “joint venture in an Alaska pipeline.”

Japan wants to maintain its security agreement with the U.S. against a rising China and avoid tariffs, officials at the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority told the Alaska Senate finance committee during a February presentation. “We are now in a completely ‘transactional’ trade world,” the executives said. Tokyo must invest more in the U.S., buy more LNG and enter a joint venture linked to Alaska oil and gas, they said.

The project would likely be a structured as a loose joint venture, with Asian partners signing contracts for large volumes of LNG, Duval said, and won’t necessarily translate into Japan, Taiwan and South Korea holding direct equity stakes in Alaska LNG, though Glenfarne is open to the possibility, he said.

Glenfarne’s goal is to be the long-term owner and operator of Alaska LNG with partners, Duval said. Glenfarne is a privately-held developer, owner and operator of energy infrastructure based in New York City and Houston. The company assumed a 75% stake in Alaska LNG from the Alaska Gasline Development Corporation in March, with AGDC keeping 25%.

Roadblocks and commercial viability

The Trump administration is clearly pressuring Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan to invest in Alaska LNG, said Bob McNally, president of Rapidan Energy and former energy advisor to President George W. Bush. Although Japan wants to both placate Trump and diversify its LNG supplies, Tokyo may yet hesitate to invest in Alaska LNG due to the project’s cost, complexity and risk, McNally said.

Another roadblock is that Democrats could return to power in 2028 and try to stop the project from advancing, citing environmental effects, McNally said. President Joe Biden, after all, paused permits for new LNG exports to countries including Japan that don’t have free trade agreements with the U.S. But Trump reversed Biden’s suspension as part of a torrent of executive orders tied to energy on his first day in office in January.

In addition to political risk, Alaska LNG “doesn’t have a clear cut commercial logic,” said Alex Munton, head of global gas and LNG research at Rapidan. “If it did, it would have had a lot more support than it has thus far, and this project has been on the planning board for literally decades,” Munton said. There are more attractive, existing LNG options for Asian customers on the Gulf Coast, he said.

The project is expensive even by the standards of an LNG industry that builds some of the costliest infrastructure in the energy sector, Munton said. The price tag of more than $40 billion likely needs to be revised upwards given that it is two years old, the analyst said.

“You have to assume that the costs are going to be much higher than the publicly quoted figures,” Munton said. Alaska LNG will likely need “public policy or a public commitment of funds to bring it to life,” the analyst said.

Duval said Alaska LNG will be competitive with no government subsidy. “It is a naturally competitive source of LNG, independent of the geopolitical benefits, independent of the tariff discussions,” he said.

“We have the support of the president of the United States,” Dunleavy said in Houston. “We have Asian allies that need gas. Geopolitical alliances are changing. Tariff questions are coming up. When we really look at it in that context, it’s a very viable project.”

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Can an electric bike really do 100 miles on a single charge?

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Can an electric bike really do 100 miles on a single charge?

When it comes to electric bikes, range anxiety is real — but it might be less of a concern than you think. In a recent real-world endurance test, Priority Bicycles’ Will Maurillo and Connor Swegle set out to answer a simple but ambitious question: Can a Current Plus e-bike hit 100 miles (160 km) on a single charge?

The test was part of the ongoing series Will Will Do It?, where Priority Bicycles’ Will Maurillo attempts new feats on bikes to see if he can pull them off.

The Priority Current Plus was upgraded late last year with a new 720Wh battery, or around 40% larger than the previous version. The bike is rated for up to 75 miles (121 km) on a single charge, and Will outfitted a stock Priority Current Plus with the company’s range extender battery to add another 500 Wh of battery as a reserve. Considering the bike is rated for 75 miles of range, that reserve battery was likely good planning.

It may seem like attempting a century, or a 100 mile (160 km) ride, would be problematic on a bike rated for just three-quarters of that distance. But that’s where real-world riding clashes with spec-sheet numbers. While the spec sheet can give riders an idea of an e-bike’s range on a single charge, the same e-bike can achieve drastically different ranges when ridden in different power modes.

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You’ll have to forgive the quick math here, but to put it simply, many e-bikes can achieve as little as 5-8 Wh/mile in the lowest power pedal assist mode. For comparison, an average electric car uses around 30-50x as much energy to travel the same distance. So, for a 720 Wh battery, 100 miles on a charge would require just 7.2 Wh/mile. That’s on the extreme end of efficiency for a commuter e-bike, but not totally impossible.

Will started his journey in upstate New York, setting out from Poughkeepsie and attempting to make it to Manhattan, nearly 90 miles (145 km) away. Taking what looks like bicycle trails most of the way, he and Connor rolled along on a cold morning with sights set on the distant downtown NYC.

Things started out well and after an impressive 57 miles (92 km), Will still had 40% charge remaining on the main downtube battery. After some playful shenanigans, including a quick stop at a trailside skatepark, he cruised on and finally made it to Manhattan, where he began a new battle against urban traffic, stoplights, and the general everyday tribulations of riding through big cities.

By mile 91.8 though, the main battery finally tapped out. At that point, he switched over to the range extender battery to finish up the last few miles and hit his goal of 100 miles (160 km). So while he technically went the distance, the last few miles did require the bike’s optional reserve battery.

This kind of real-world, long-distance ride is rare for most e-bike owners, but it’s a fascinating look at what’s becoming possible in the latest generation of electric bikes. While most riders won’t need to cover 100 miles in a single day, the demonstration speaks volumes about how far e-bikes have come.

For most commuters, even a 10 to 20 mile (16 to 32 km) daily round trip is well within the capability of even basic e-bikes today. But rides like Will’s show that e-bikes aren’t just limited to short hops across town. They’re becoming viable tools for longer-distance adventures, weekend exploration, or just eliminating range anxiety entirely.

And for those wondering how far the bike could have gone without such a fit rider using the lowest power pedal assist mode, I may be able to help. I actually own the same Current Plus e-bike and use it for my regular commuter/recreational bike. I only charge every few rides and often get a range of somewhere between 40-50 miles (64 to 80 km) when I’m using medium power pedal assist with occasional throttle usage.

Between the big battery and the low-maintenance components like the Gates belt drive, internally geared rear hub, and 140 Nm mid-drive motor, there’s a lot to like about the bike. I don’t push mine anywhere as far as Will did, and I’m certainly not as fit of a cyclist, but I can vouch for the Current Plus being the one bike I grab when I want a long and smooth ride that mixes fitness with recreational riding. I’d be lying if I said I never use the throttle when I’m tired, but the smooth torque sensor pedal assist definitely encourages me to pedal more than I do on my other e-bikes!

If you want to see my type of riding, check out my review video of the Current Plus, below.

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What’s happening with Tesla’s solar roof?

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What's happening with Tesla's solar roof?

The Tesla Solar Roof tiles are still alive, but the product is on the back burner at Tesla as it failed to achieve its promises.

When launching the solar roof in 2016, CEO Elon Musk presented it as a critical product to accelerate solar power deployment, as it opens up the market to people who want to go solar but also need to replace their roof soon.

He said that he aimed for Tesla to produce 1,000 new solar roofs per week by the end of 2019. 

However, Tesla didn’t reach volume production of the solar roof tiles until 2020, and even then, it was at a fraction of the deployment it was aiming for.

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In 2022, Electrek reported that Tesla installed solar roofs for the first time and confirmed that the Company deployed 2.5 MW of solar roofs during the second quarter of 2022, equivalent to approximately 23 roofs per week, which is far short of its goal.

Since then, Tesla has even further pulled back its solar effort – and even stopped reporting its solar deployment.

Many people are asking what it means for the solar roof, which Musk touted as a revolutionary product.

In 2023, we reported that Tesla began phasing out its solar business, particularly its in-house installations.

Tesla shifted its focus on deploying Powerwalls and solar inverters through third-party installers.

The same thing is happening with Tesla’s solar roof tiles. The company appears to be giving up on installing them itself, but some installations are still happening with third-party certified installers.

Tesla doesn’t even give online quotes on its solar roof anymore and has people submit requests for quotes through third-party installers:

“In order to receive pricing and product information, Tesla will share your contact information with a Tesla Certified Installer.”

We are hearing less about solar roof installations lately, as Tesla has gone virtually silent on the program; however, some ongoing installations are still being carried out by third-party installers.

Weddle and Sons Roofing just posted about a new 20 kW Tesla Solar Roof installation in Topeka, Kansas:

It’s challenging to determine the exact deployment rate of the solar roof, but based on our checks with a few installers, it doesn’t appear to have increased since 2022.

Tesla-certified installers are even convincing potential buyers to opt for a regular roof with solar panels instead of a solar roof. Potential buyer Jeff Betty shared this text from an unnamed installer:

This is not entirely surprising, as the primary issue with the Tesla Solar Roof tiles is their pricing. Tesla aimed for the solution to be competitive with higher-end roofing options, but it remains expensive and much less affordable than many durable roof options, plus solar panels.

Electrek’s Take

In short, the Tesla Solar Roof is still alive, but it’s nowhere near the revolutionary product Tesla claimed it would be.

Instead, it has become a very niche higher-end roofing product that Tesla deploys in very low volume through third-party installers.

It’s not in any way a significant part of Tesla’s energy business, which is now almost entirely Megapacks and Powerwalls.

While Tesla’s solar roof is not for everyone, now is a great time to go solar with rooftop solar panels.

If you want to make sure you’re finding a trusted, reliable solar installer near you that offers competitive pricing, check out EnergySage. EnergySage is a free service that makes it easy for you to go solar – whether you’re a homeowner or renter. They have hundreds of pre-vetted solar installers competing for your business, ensuring you get high-quality solutions and save 20 to 30% compared to going it alone. Plus, it’s free to use and you won’t get sales calls until you select an installer and you share your phone number with them.

Your personalized solar quotes are easy to compare online and you’ll get access to unbiased Energy Advisors to help you every step of the way. Get started here.

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