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When President Biden announced his reelection bid this week, some Democrats privately expressed worry that some of the president’s flaws could haunt him throughout the campaign.  

While they acknowledge Biden has had a successful couple of years — particularly on the legislative front — they also have some trepidation about whether Biden can ultimately pull off another victory in 2024.  

“Every Democrat is a little freaked out, but no one wants to say it publicly,” one Democratic consultant conceded this week. “We’re in uncharted waters.”  

Here are five of the worries Democrats mention when it comes to Biden.    Age 

The biggest worry Democrats have is the president’s age. Biden will turn 81 in November and would be 86 at the end of a second term.  

He’s already the oldest president in U.S. history, a record he breaks every day in office.  

Strategists in the Democratic Party see it as the main reason for a contradiction in polling: Most Democrats approve of Biden’s first term, but more than half of those surveyed say the president shouldn’t run again.  

Biden’s age is a source of attacks from his would-be rivals.  

Republican presidential candidate Nikki Haley, the former South Carolina governor, this week predicted Biden wouldn’t live until the end of his second term if elected, and “if you vote for Joe Biden, you really are counting on a President Harris.” 

Former President Trump, who is 76, also frequently lashes out at Biden over his age.  

Biden admitted on Wednesday he also “took a hard look” at his age when he considered running for reelection. “And I feel good,” he told reporters at a press conference. “I feel excited about the prospects.” 

Still, some Democratic strategists wonder whether Biden can compete effectively. “Campaigns aren’t made for 81-year-olds,” one operative acknowledged.  

In 2020, Biden largely stayed off the campaign trail because of the COVID-19 pandemic, saying he was choosing to follow the science. He built a television studio in his Wilmington, Del., home and sought to speak directly to the public from there. But in this cycle, he’ll need to crisscross the country, traveling from swing state to swing state.  

“It’s not for the faint of heart,” the strategist said.   Lack of interviews 

Biden had a press conference this week when he welcomed South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol to the White House.  

But the president has had fewer news conferences than any of his recent predecessors, a fact some Democrats see as a sign the White House wants to keep him out of situations where he might make an unforced public error. 

Mark Knoller, the veteran journalist who covered the White House for decades and keeps detailed records of presidential pressers, said Biden has held 24 news conferences since he took office, 12 of which were joint news conferences with foreign leaders.  

Former President Bill Clinton, by comparison, did 83 news conferences in his first two years in office.  

Compared to his predecessors, Biden also has sat down for the fewest number of interviews with journalists. Knoller said Biden has done 38 interviews since taking office. Earlier this month, he did an interview with “Today Show” host Al Roker at the White House Easter Egg Roll.  

Knoller noted the president hasn’t done any interviews with Fox News, which frequently rails against his policies and politics.  

“The few interviews Biden has done with news anchors have been a festival of softball questions with no follow-up to elicit substantive answers,” said Tobe Berkovitz, a communications professor emeritus at Boston University who worked as a political media consultant. 

But Biden’s reluctance to take questions isn’t just from journalists. He also has done few town halls with voters since taking office. 

“He needs to spend more time interacting with voters,” one strategist said. “That’s a Biden staple: He performs at his best when he’s interacting with regular folks, and we haven’t seen much of it in recent years.”  

The strategist predicted Biden would have smaller, more controlled events throughout the campaign, something that ultimately doesn’t behoove him.   Nimbleness 

To win a modern-day campaign, strategists say a presidential candidate needs to be flexible.  

During the 2016 cycle, for example, Trump frequently called in to radio and television shows to do impromptu interviews while Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton and her team deliberated for hours over a tweet. Some Democrats feel the Biden operation is similar in its inability to move the ship in real time.  

“They can be really slow and too methodical,” the Democratic consultant said.  

Biden, however, showed he can respond quickly and off-the-cuff during the State of the Union address earlier this year when he went off-script to spar with Freedom Caucus members in real time over social programs.  

After Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) called him a “liar” for saying Republicans wanted to cut Social Security and Medicare, he continued the back and forth without missing a beat.   

“He does know how to throw punches,” said Susan Del Percio, a longtime Republican consultant who supported Biden over Trump in 2020.   Proneness to gaffes 

Biden has largely been a stick-to-the-script kind of president, a major departure from his time as a senator when he regularly spoke off the cuff.  

Aides have been particularly stringent about keeping Biden on message throughout his presidency. He often quips he’s going to “be in trouble” with his aides for veering off message and speaking his mind.  

But the campaign trail can be prime for unscripted moments, and even the staunchest Biden supporters worry about his ability to step in it.  

“My biggest fear is that he’ll say something and it’ll be tough for him to recover,” one donor said.  

“Biden’s weakest link is his tradition of placing his foot in his mouth,” Berkovitz added. “He has always been a gaffe machine, and his diminishing cognitive abilities have exacerbated this problem.”   Handling of the economy 

Jobs numbers are the best they’ve been in decades, and consumer spending is robust.  

But Democrats worry one of Biden’s biggest flaws won’t be a personality trait, but rather his handling of the top issue to voters: the economy.  

Biden this week touted an economy that “remains strong,” but many economists suggest otherwise as the Federal Reserve keeps upping interest rates and big banks predict little growth, if any.   MTA ends real-time service alerts on Twitter, says platform is ‘no longer reliable’ Watch live: Jeffries holds weekly press conference

Others hint that a recession is looming as major corporations slash jobs. 

“I’m worried that the economy will turn, and [the Biden administration] didn’t handle it so well the first time,” Del Percio said, pointing to earlier in the presidency as the price of gas, groceries and other goods soared. “They got it all wrong.”

“That’s where he really falls behind,” she added. “He seems like he’s behind on a lot of kitchen table issues. And if it happens again, a serious dip in the economy will hurt him, no doubt.”

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Follow live: Cubs aim to force Game 5 vs. Brewers

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Dodgers advance to NLCS after Kerkering’s error

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Dodgers advance to NLCS after Kerkering's error

LOS ANGELES — Orion Kerkering made a wild throw past home instead of tossing to first after mishandling Andy Pages‘ bases-loaded comebacker with two outs in the 11th inning, and the Los Angeles Dodgers beat the Philadelphia Phillies 2-1 Thursday to win their NL Division Series 3-1.

Kerkering hung his head and put hands on knees after his throw sailed past catcher J.T. Realmuto as pinch-runner Hyeseong Kim crossed the plate, advancing the Dodgers to the NL Championship Series against the Chicago Cubs or Milwaukee.

Realmuto had pointed to first when the broken-bat, two-hopper hit off Kerkering’s glove and rolled just in front of the mound.

Kerkering picked up the ball and in one motion made a sidearm throw, 46 feet from the plate. The ball sailed up the third-base line, past Realmuto’s outstretched mitt, and fans in the crowd of 50,563 at Dodger Stadium erupted after spending the final three innings on their feet.

“It’s brutal,” Dodgers manager Dave Roberts said. “It’s one of those things that it’s a PFP, a pitcher’s fielding practice. He’s done it a thousand times. And right there he was so focused, I’m sure, on just getting the hitter and just sort of forgot the outs and the situation.”

Phillies manager Rob Thomson wrapped an arm around Kerkering when the distraught reliever reached the dugout.

“He just got caught up in the moment a little bit,” Thomson said. “I feel for him because he’s putting it all on his shoulders.”

This was the second postseason series to end on a walk-off error, according to the Elias Sports Bureau. A wild relay throw by Texas second baseman Rougned Odor on a potential double-play grounder allowed Josh Donaldson to score and give Toronto a 7-6, 10-inning win and a three-game sweep of their 2016 AL Division Series.

Los Angeles ended a postseason series with a walk-off win for the third time after Bill Russell’s single against the Phillies in Game 4 of the 1978 NLCS and Chris Taylor‘s homer in the 2021 NL wild card game.

Nick Castellanos‘ RBI double in the seventh off Emmet Sheehan had put the Phillies ahead but Jhoan Duran walked Mookie Betts with the bases loaded in the bottom half, forcing in the tying run.

Tommy Edman singled off Jesús Luzardo with one out in the 11th and took third on Max Muncy‘s two-out single that eluded diving shortstop Trea Turner.

Kerkering walked Enrique Hernández, loading the bases. Pages, in a 1-for-23 postseason slide, hit what appeared to be a routine grounder, the type every pitcher practices gloving from spring training on.

Philadelphia, wearing its powder blue throwback uniforms on the road for the second straight day, was knocked out in the Division Series for the third straight season while the defending World Series champion Dodgers reached the LCS for the eighth time in 13 years.

Dodgers rookie Roki Sasaki, averaging 99.5 mph his his fastball, threw three innings of hitless relief, combining with Tyler Glasnow, Sheehan and winner Alex Vesia on a four-hitter.

Glasnow allowed two hits and three walks in six innings with eight of the 12 strikeouts by Dodgers pitchers.

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Politics

Starmer’s found new enthusiasm for his digital ID project – but will he be able to sell it?

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Starmer's found new enthusiasm for his digital ID project - but will he be able to sell it?

One metric for the rise and fall of this government might end up being the progress of the rollout of digital ID.

The lack of a clear plan – despite the high profile announcement by the PM – means the destination still remains slightly opaque, and some cabinet ministers are sceptical.

However, the PM’s India trip suggests that there might just be a path to success, if things fall in Keir Starmer’s favour.

During his visit, Starmer met the boss of Infosys, Nandan Nilekani, who is behind the rollout of digital ID to more than 1.4 billion Indian citizens.

Afterwards, when I asked about it at the closing press conference of the India trip, he was infused by a fresh enthusiasm for the plan, not evident at the Labour gathering in Liverpool in the days after he first unveiled it.

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Digital ID cards for everyone?

Below is what he said to me, transcribed in full.

But as you read it, notice how the PM’s explanation and justification for this scheme – which will be one of the biggest projects this government undertakes if it does happen – centres around convenience for citizens and makes no mention of the case originally used for it – to combat illegal migration.

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Starmer told me: “We did discuss [digital ID] yesterday. And in particular, the benefits that it has brought in India.

“We’ve obviously also looked at other countries – Estonia, for example. The speed with which it allows citizens here to access services, particularly financial services, is something that was recognised in our discussions yesterday and actually at the fintech discussion that we had today, as well.

“So, we’re looking at those examples of how digital ID helps individuals, with the processes that sometimes take too long and are too cumbersome, and makes it easier for them.”

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Who opposes BritCard?

The answer is clear: the prime minister now puts personal convenience as the top justification.

While Starmer was locked in the Fintech summit, we visited Mumbai University to gauge opinion on digital ID, which has rolled out across India over the past 10 to 15 years.

We asked students as they could traditionally have been thought to be one of the more cautious groups in society towards a project which involves state intrusion into the lives of individuals.

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Sky’s Sam Coates reports from India

Among all the people that we talked to – and you can watch our video at the top of this page – there was a recognition of privacy concerns, worries about data leaks, and uncertainty about how some of the information might be used.

But every single person we stopped and talked to about it was nevertheless enthusiastically in favour – and said it had made their lives simpler and more efficient.

The net benefits of this scheme had landed with the Indian citizens we spoke to.

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Is this the end of digital privacy for UK citizens, or a tech solution to illegal immigration?

The engagement from Infosys is also significant after the boss of Palantir, a rival tech company, gave the idea of a UK digital ID scheme a comprehensive shellacking last week.

For a moment, it looked like the corporate world might be pulling back from the scheme – so the engagement of a massive multinational corporation has come at just the right moment.

None of which is to downplay the obstacles.

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Who is going to implement Labour’s new policy on digital ID cards?

In a bizarre move, the Home Office appears to have been allowed to swerve responsibility for the project, which has gone instead to Liz Kendall’s Department of Science, Innovation and Technology (DSIT), which does not yet have any track record of major delivery.

One DSIT aide said that the young average age of staff at the newly formed department is an advantage, a claim which seems somewhat doubtful.

So, Whitehall may tie itself up in knots over this project. Or, it might turn out that India’s cultural norms simply make it an easier place to roll out a scheme like this.

But on the basis of our enquiries, there is the potential case for a scheme that can be sold to a willing public.

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