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The 2024 battle for the Senate started with a bang earlier this year and has not let up, as candidates in top races continue to roll out their campaigns and incumbents scratch and claw to win reelection. Their efforts will determine who will control the upper chamber for the next two years.

Democrats are trying to play defense in a number of red-leaning states to hold on to their one-seat majority, while Republicans fight recruiting battles in several states to give them the best shot at winning a majority.

While it is too early to tell which side’s maneuvering will pay off, here’s a midsummer rundown of the five Senate seats most likely to flip next year. West Virginia 

The top spot in these rankings remains unchanged as Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) faces a true uphill battle to retain his seat and secure a third full term in the Senate.

Republicans have been licking their chops at the possibility of unseating Manchin and, unlike in 2018, they seem to have their best candidate in place to do just that in West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice (R). An East Carolina University (ECU) survey released in late May shows Justice leading the incumbent centrist Democrat by more than 20 percentage points. 

In order for Justice to make it that far, he must overcome a potentially tricky challenge against Rep. Alex Mooney (R-W.Va.), who is backed by conservative forces. The ECU poll also shows Justice with a 40-point lead over Mooney, though some of that advantage is owed to his massive name ID. 

Facing political challenges back home, Manchin has been on an offensive against President Biden’s spate of nominations in recent months, having said that he will oppose all his Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) nominees and voted against multiple judicial selections in recent weeks. He also opposed Biden’s choice of top economic adviser and is likely to oppose Julie Su’s nomination to lead the Department of Labor, if she ever comes up for a vote on the floor.

Allies, however, say this isn’t anything unusual and that it’s just how he operates.

“The recent opposition is just who he normally is. He reviews all nominees the same way,” said Jon Kott, a former Manchin spokesperson, who noted what Manchin used to tell him about how he considers nominees. “He’d say, ‘I look at them and say: Are they good for the state of West Virginia and the good of the country?’”

“I just think it’s getting more scrutiny because it’s the political season,” Kott added. 

Of course, Manchin has yet to announce whether he’ll even seek reelection, with a decision expected in December or shortly before the January filing deadline, as he continues to flirt with a third-party presidential bid.  Montana

It was a big week in Big Sky as Tim Sheehy, a retired Navy SEAL turned businessman, threw his hat into the ring and gave Republicans their best hope to finally defeat Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) next year.

Sheehy is among the top recruits this cycle for Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), the chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, who badly wants to topple the three-term Montana Democrat. The newly minted GOP candidate has a lot of things going for him, headlined by his business background, military service and bank account largesse — a trio that Republicans argue is sterling.

Strategists argue that while he looks great on paper, first-time, millionaire candidates can have trouble resonating with voters. This was seen last cycle when David McCormick in Pennsylvania was unable to escape the primary and has since lamented that he didn’t find his sea legs until it was too late. Ironically, he, too, is atop Daines’ wish list this year.

But for now, Republicans are flying high over Sheehy.

“It’s been proven that Tester is tough and if we’re serious about winning the seat, we need to put forward our best candidate,” one national GOP strategist told The Hill. “It’s pretty clear he doesn’t want to run against Sheehy, and that should tell you all you need to know.”

Sheehy will likely have to prevail over Rep. Matt Rosendale (R-Mont.) in a primary, with Democrats itching for a Tester-Rosendale rematch after the incumbent senator defeated him by 3.5 percentage points. Rosendale has a pocket of right-wing support and name ID after multiple statewide runs, but he has numerous issues — including lackluster fundraising and a Maryland accent that caused him issues during his last Senate bid, to name a few.  Ohio

Rounding out the trio of the seats Republicans are most hopeful to flip is the Buckeye State, where they likely have their best chance to beat Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio).

Brown has proven to be a difficult out for Republicans in each of his reelection fights, which he won by 6 and 6 percentage points, respectively. However, Ohio has moved further to the right in that time, with former President Trump carrying the state by 8 percentage points in 2020, despite losing the election. Put simply, the swingiest of swing states has gotten redder than ever, but whether that will be enough to take down Brown remains to be seen.

For now, only two top-tier Republicans — state Sen. Matt Dolan and Bernie Moreno — have announced bids, with another likely to come from Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose (R). LaRose is expected to jump in the race in July, one Ohio GOP source told The Hill, creating a tough three-way contest that will have a number of balls in the air. 

Asked to forecast a three-way primary, the Ohio GOP source said that Moreno will likely win Trump’s endorsement and that LaRose could have fundraising issues, especially given that he’s the only one of the group who can’t self-fund, as he’s noted.

“Moreno is the favorite, but as a first-time candidate, he will likely make some mistakes,” the source said. “The question is: is that enough of an opening for either of the two others?” Arizona 

Of the states on this list, perhaps no race has changed less than the battle in Arizona, as Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) remains the top choice of Democrats, Kari Lake is the likely option for Republicans even though she has yet to announce a bid, and Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.) has yet to tip her hand and say whether she will seek reelection next year as an independent.

Gallego announced his bid in late January and has put himself in as good of a spot as a Democrat can at this point in time. The Arizona Democrat posted a strong $3.7 million haul in the first quarter, outraising Sinema by $1.6 million during that stretch and giving Democrats hope that they can retain the seat next year. He also received a boost on the left last week, as former Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) endorsed his bid. 

“He seems to be doing what he needs to be doing. Head down. Building his brand,” one Democratic operative with Arizona ties told The Hill, noting that Gallego has so far avoided a bruising primary with Rep. Greg Stanton (D-Ariz.) declining to run. 

On the GOP side, all signs still point to Lake, who has effectively frozen the field until she decides whether to take the Senate plunge as she falsely argues that she is the “lawful governor of Arizona” after her loss to Gov. Katie Hobbs (D) in November.  

However, Lake has taken steps toward a possible bid, having met with more than a handful of GOP senators during a mid-May visit to Washington. Pinal County Sheriff Mark Lamb has also entered the GOP primary. 

Meanwhile, the wait is on for Sinema, who filed paperwork for a bid but has stayed mum when asked in various interviews about her 2024 plans. Her impact on the race remains a massive unknown as a three-way general election battle opens up doors not previously seen in races in the state. 

“It’s hard to say one way or another,” the Democratic operative said about a three-way race. Wisconsin

Finally, Wisconsin is the lone new entrant on the list as Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) tries to secure a third term and Republicans try to figure out who will be their best candidate to deny her six more years in office.

Just like the other Democratic incumbents mentioned above, Baldwin has proven to be a real challenge for Republicans in each of her Senate bids. After defeating former Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson (R) to win her seat in 2012, she followed that up with an impressive double-digit win in 2018, giving Democrats another battle-tested member to lean on in what could be a tough cycle.

“What makes Baldwin incredibly hard to beat is that she puts in the work and she’s got 15 winning campaigns to show for it,” said Joshua Karp, a Democratic operative who advised Wisconsin Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes’ (D) campaign last year. “Wisconsin’s a state where people expect to have a personal relationship with their leaders and Baldwin puts in the personal touch and it shows.”

Republicans have been wading through possible options. However, they were dealt a blow in recent weeks as Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.) announced he would seek reelection in the House and focus on his work atop the newly created Select Committee on China. 

Now, they are looking at a pair of self-funders to take Baldwin on. 

Eric Hovde, a former hedge fund manager who narrowly lost the 2012 Senate primary to Thompson, is considered the leading figure, as he would be buoyed by a massive war chest and experience running a statewide campaign. One Wisconsin GOP operative noted recently that Hovde has floated spending at least $20 million of his own money. 

The second self-funder looking at a run is businessman Scott Mayer, who will likely make a decision post-Labor Day. The downside: He has nearly zero name ID in the state. Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) recently acknowledged that he doesn’t know Mayer very well, either.  Shooters remain at large in Baltimore block party shooting Three DC businesses hit with explosive devices, Molotov cocktail

Rep. Tom Tiffany (R-Wis.) is also considered an option, though he’d have to give up his ruby-red seat to jump in the race.

What will be the key to Republicans ousting Baldwin, though, will be external forces. What will Biden’s standing be in the state next year? And will the GOP nominate Trump, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) or someone else next year? Those are questions that will weigh heavily on the Senate race. 

According to a new Marquette University Law Poll, DeSantis is deadlocked with Trump and would fare better in a one-on-one matchup against the president. That would give Republicans a better shot at holding the seat. 

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Sports

Phillies clinch NL East with wild win vs. Dodgers

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Phillies clinch NL East with wild win vs. Dodgers

LOS ANGELES — Kyle Schwarber, Weston Wilson and Bryce Harper homered, and the Philadelphia Phillies clinched their second straight NL East title with a wild 6-5 victory over the Los Angeles Dodgers on Monday night.

It was the earliest division clinch in franchise history, two days sooner than the 2011 club that clinched on Sept. 17. The Phillies got it done in Game 151, second fastest in club history behind the 2011 Phillies who did it in Game 150.

The Phillies also notched a 90-win season for the third straight year for only the third time in franchise history.

Since the New York Mets were idle Monday, the Phillies needed a win to clinch the division. They blew leads of 1-0 and 4-3 before getting past the NL West-leading Dodgers for their ninth win in 11 games.

Since the July trade deadline, the Phillies are 29-14. They’ve held it together despite injuries to key players.

The Phillies lost right-hander Zack Wheeler when he went on the injured list a month ago because of a blood clot in his right shoulder. The club’s pitching depth has allowed it to absorb the loss because of its six-man rotation. Wheeler was 10-5 with a 2.71 ERA in 24 starts when he was sidelined.

Shortstop Trea Turner (right hamstring strain) and third baseman Alec Bohm (left shoulder inflammation) are both on the IL. Manager Rob Thomson said Bohm could return later this week at Arizona, and Turner could be back in time for the final homestand of the regular season.

The win made Thomson only the third manager in franchise history to win consecutive division titles, joining Charlie Manuel (2007-11) and Danny Ozark (1976-79). He’s only the fourth manager in major league history to reach the postseason in each of the first four full seasons of a managerial career. Among the other three is Dodgers manager Dave Roberts.

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Business

Britain’s drugs industry is suffering withdrawal symptoms, and it could prove costly

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Britain's drugs industry is suffering withdrawal symptoms, and it could prove costly

When it comes to the drugs industry, Britain is suffering withdrawal symptoms.

This year, three of the world’s biggest pharmaceutical companies – Merck, AstraZeneca, and Eli Lilly – have pulled or paused UK investments worth almost £2bn, diagnosing that market conditions, specifically the NHS drugs pricing regime, make the UK a “contagion risk”.

The issue will be highlighted this week as Donald Trump begins his state visit, with executives called to give evidence to a parliamentary select committee on Tuesday, along with science minister Lord Vallance, a veteran of the pandemic, when government worked closely with pharmaceutical companies to speed up vaccine development.

How has this come about?

The UK pharmaceutical industry is one of those caught in the crossfire of Trump’s trade war.

In the trade deal agreed by the president and Sir Keir Starmer in May, the prime minister committed to “improve the overall environment for pharmaceutical companies in the United Kingdom”.

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What does the UK-US trade deal involve?

Four months later, those companies – under pressure from Trump to charge US consumers the same as those in Europe, and to invest in US production and research – say the opposite is the case.

They argue the British market is becoming unviable to pharmaceutical investors, at a cost to patients, jobs, and the economy.

Data from the Association of British Pharmaceutical Industries bear this out; R&D investment growth has fallen below the global average and foreign inward investment has declined almost 60% since 2020.

Why the corporate backlash?

To understand why an industry long regarded as a domestic strength has turned against the UK, it is necessary to understand the complexities of medicines pricing.

The NHS is one of the largest “single buyers” of medicines in the world, a position that has long given it clout when it comes to negotiating prices. In the last two decades, however, strict conditions on what drugs are approved for use, and at what price, have brought down the price of the medicines but eroded the value of the UK to the companies that provide them.

Simply put, the industry believes the NHS has been getting too good a deal for too long and argues the terms are no longer sustainable.

In the last decade, the proportion of the NHS budget spent on medicines has fallen to just 9%, below the EU average of 13%. Meanwhile, the amount of revenue returned by companies to the government under complex “clawback” arrangements has jumped to more than 23%, more than three times the EU average.

Under these complex rules, a form of price control that offers a uniform discount to the health service, manufacturers return revenue equal to the value of any overspend by the NHS on its total medicines budget.

The figure has risen rapidly in the UK in the last five years as the NHS has exceeded its medicines budget faster than it has risen. This year it was supposed to be 15%, already double the EU average, but has already risen to 23.5%.

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Trump visit: Vanity trip or power play?

Can this all be resolved?

The industry is demanding a commitment to return to single figures by the end of this parliament. Emergency talks with the health department broke up in the summer, and it is unclear when they will resume.

It also wants the threshold at which new drugs are admitted to the NHS marketplace, currently £20,000-£30,000 and unchanged since 1999, increased. Had it risen in line with inflation, it would be £40,000-£60,000 today.

As a consequence of these downward pressures on price, the industry says the number of new and innovative medicines offered to patients has fallen, with only 37% of available drugs accessed by the NHS, compared to 90% in Germany.

Why so much is in the gift of the chancellor

Paying higher prices to hugely profitable pharmaceutical giants was not part of Labour’s electoral promises for the NHS, and Health Secretary Wes Streeting says he is committed to getting the best deal for patients, but the UK discount may no longer be sustainable.

The issue also highlights a tension between the government’s desire for economic growth and greater efficiency in its key public service.

As one executive put it, as the UK accounts for only 2.5% of the global medicines market, which meant for a long time the lower margins doing business in Britain could be swallowed. With Trump demanding price parity for the US, which accounts for 40%, that is no longer the case.

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Life sciences are at the heart of the government’s new industrial strategy and the UK still has much to commend it, with world-leading research and skills and a track record of spinning biotech innovation into the private sector. But the withdrawal of big pharma investment tells a different story.

Johan Kahlstrom, country president of Novartis UK and Ireland, said: “The UK is fast becoming uninvestable for life sciences companies.

“High clawback taxes that take almost a quarter of revenues, combined with outdated cost-effectiveness thresholds that haven’t changed in over 25 years, are eroding the UK’s position as a global life sciences hub.”

Resolving the pricing row will require compromise and money, with the health secretary’s room for manoeuvre ultimately resting on the Treasury, and the balance between losing jobs and investment from a growth industry, and a drugs budget the NHS has long taken for granted.

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US

Trump sues New York Times

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Trump sues New York Times

Donald Trump has announced he’s suing The New York Times, just days after he threatened to do so over its reporting into his ties to Jeffrey Epstein.

In a post on his Truth Social platform, the US president said he had “the Great Honor of bringing a $15bn Defamation and Libel Lawsuit” against “one of the worst and most degenerate newspapers in the History of our Country”.

Mr Trump’s lengthy post – made late on Monday – is focused on his belief the outlet is bias towards the Democrats, citing the endorsement of Kamala Harris in last year’s presidential election.

It has “been allowed to freely lie, smear, and defame me for far too long”, he added.

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The lawsuit – which has been brought in Florida – comes after Mr Trump raised the prospect of suing the newspaper last week for publishing articles about alleged notes he had sent Epstein.

He dismissed the reporting as false.

A lewd birthday message Trump allegedly sent to the convicted sex offender for his 50th birthday in 2003 was published by the US Congress days later.

The pages are contained in files from the estate of the deceased billionaire paedophile, handed over to a Congressional committee.

The collection of birthday tributes include a hand-drawing of a woman’s body, signed “Donald”. They also contain a picture of Epstein holding an outsized cheque, signed by “DJTRUMP”.

Mr Trump has maintained the note wasn’t written by him, claiming the handwriting and signature do not match his own.

An alleged note written by Trump for Epstein. Pics: US Congress/NBC News
Image:
An alleged note written by Trump for Epstein. Pics: US Congress/NBC News

The “birthday book” also included notes from former British minister Peter Mandelson, who has been sacked as the UK’s ambassador to the US over revelations about his relationship with Epstein.

Mr Trump has repeatedly denied any impropriety involving Epstein, whom he once counted as a friend.

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Handwriting expert analyses signature on Epstein card

Responding to his initial threat to sue, a spokeswoman for The New York Times said last week: “Our journalists reported the facts, provided the visual evidence and printed the president’s denial. It’s all there for the American people to see and to make up their own minds about.

“We will continue to pursue the facts without fear or favour and stand up for journalists’ First Amendment right to ask questions on behalf of the American people.”

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