Holding on to Uxbridge and South Ruislip on Friday morning at least gave Rishi Sunak a life jacket to cling to in the by-election wash-up – a 2-1 defeat rather than a 3-0.
Popping up in Uxbridge, the prime minister used his wafer-thin victory (winning Boris Johnson’s old seat by just 495 votes) to insist that the outcome of the next general election was “not a done deal”.
But these results won’t give the Conservatives much confidence that they are on course to avoid going under at the next general election.
Be it the Labour win in Selby and Ainsty, or the Liberal Democrat triumph in Somerton and Frome, the common thread in both these results are two opposition parties performing at levels matching by-election results in the dying days of the 1992-1997 Conservative government which came crashing down with the Tony Blair landslide.
That was an epochal election – and these results only reinforce the idea that the next one is likely to be too.
For Labour, the win in Selby is historic.
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It was the biggest ever Tory majority – more than 20,000 – overturned by Labour in a by-election, and the second biggest swing – 23.7 per cent – away from the Tories to Labour since the Second World War, beaten only by Tony Blair in Dudley West in 1994.
Sir Keir Starmer finds himself in the sort of territory – in the polls and in this election – that was claimed by Mr Blair ahead of this big victory.
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He needs a swing of 12 per cent – Blair got a record 10.7 per cent swing in 1997 – to gain 124 seats and win a majority.
Selby is the Conservatives’ 249th most vulnerable seat and losing in a rural Tory stronghold like this will make Tories with majorities of 15,000 feel very unsure.
For the Lib Dems, winning Somerton and Frome is their fourth consecutive by-election win this parliament, a feat not achieved since the days of Paddy Ashdown in 1992-1997.
It has given the Lib Dems belief that they can rebuild in the West Country, having been nearly wiped out by the Tories after five years of coalition government in 2015.
Somerton was the Lib Dems’ 53rd most marginal seat in the 2019 general election, so they have plenty to go for into next year.
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By-elections: What the results mean for UK politics
Sunak sees a way to destabilise Labour
For the Conservatives though, there is a glimmer of something in all of this.
One person in Mr Sunak’s top team told me that Uxbridge had given the prime minister hope that if he can pin Labour on issues of substance, there is an opportunity to create dividing lines between Labour and the Tories that gives Mr Sunak a chance.
“We’ll have a sharper political take next term, force Starmer out of the shadows and stop him being a grey man. In September you’ll be hearing more about wedge issues,” they said.
I’m told that Mr Sunak is not much of a “culture wars” PM, but will fight on issues where he believes he can disrupt Mr Starmer’s policies and put himself on the right side of voters.
Already the Tories are talking about Labour’s now diluted £28bn-a-year investment into green energy in order to deliver green power by 2030 as an obvious area to hit.
For Labour, the narrative would have of course been cleaner if Mr Sunak had lost all three by-elections.
But the results in some ways reinforce the patterns and political strategy we have seen since the Truss debacle and emergence of Sunak as PM – the Conservatives are miles behind in the polls, local and by-elections reinforce a likely change of power in the next general election and Labour can’t take anything for granted, with the top team borrowing Blair’s “warriors against complacency” in their approach from now to election day.
“The result might not be clean, but it is crystal clear,” says one senior Labour figure. “Selby shows how far we’ve come and the potential of what we can do.
“To win the trust of so many voters who have never voted for us in a strong Tory part of the country is remarkable.”
But it’s true too from Uxbridge that support can’t be taken for granted, and Labour can be de-stabilised when a campaign cuts through.
“Uxbridge shows that support from voters is conditional and if we don’t act in their interests they will not support us,” says the senior Labour figure. “We must put the voters first, our priorities must be the public’s.”
Image: Labour secured a historic victory in Selby and Ainsty
Sunak and Starmer will both double down
From sticking to the two-child cap on child benefit, to only making spending commitments that have been costed via other tax rises (such as ending non-dom status and charging VAT on private school fees), Labour is determined not to open up any flank on economic ill-discipline.
This, I’m told, is all about focus and convincing ‘small c’ Conservatives to come into the Labour column at the general election.
There will be no radicalism from Starmer that costs money.
Instead, he will try to signal “change” through policies that don’t cost money – reforming the planning system and devolution (although I think the Tories might target the green investment plan as an exposed flank).
The overall swing away from the Tories over these three by-elections of 21 per cent is obviously disastrous for Mr Sunak.
But he knows too his party won’t switch him out now – even those who don’t like or support him accept the Conservatives can’t change PM again – and so he will double down on his five pledges while sharpening up attack lines on his opponent.
This trio of by-elections reinforce that it is Mr Starmer with the most to lose and Mr Sunak with everything to win in the race for No 10.
We could be up to 18 months away from the short election campaign, but these leaders will be firing the starting guns on the long campaign in earnest in September.
General elections are always bloody and epochal ones are even more vicious. Strap in.
Nigel Farage is on course to be prime minister, according to a seat-by-seat YouGov poll which reveals the scale of Conservative implosion.
The YouGov MRP polling projection, based on a 13,000 sample taken over the last three weeks, suggests an election held tomorrow would see a hung parliament with Reform UK winning 311 of the 650 seats, 15 seats short of the formal winning line of 326.
In practice, once the Speaker and absent Sinn Fein MPs are accounted for, it would be all but impossible for anyone other than Mr Farage to secure the largest number of MP backers and thus become prime minister.
Reform UK has improved its position since the last YouGov MRP in June, when it was 55 seats short of a majority. The projection suggests 306 Reform gains, up from their current seat tally of five, which would be the biggest increase in any election in British history.
The projection of Commons seats in Great Britain puts Reform UK on 311 seats, Labour on 144 seats, Liberal Democrats on 78 seats, Conservatives on 45 seats, SNP on 37 seats and Greens on seven seats, with Plaid on six seats and three seats won by left-wing challengers.
Barely a year after Keir Starmer won a landslide, this result would see Labour lose around two-thirds of their existing seats, down from the 411 they won in last year’s general election.
This is significantly worse than the party’s 2019 result under Jeremy Corbyn when the party won 202 seats and is their lowest tally since 1931.
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More than a third of Labour’s remaining seats would be in London, making them more reliant on London than any other British party is on any other nation or region.
Among the big-name casualties would be Yvette Cooper, Wes Streeting, Ed Miliband, Bridget Phillipson, Lisa Nandy and Angela Rayner.
The Conservatives would fare even worse, pushed potentially to the brink of extinction. They would lose two-thirds of their 121 seats won last year – which was already their worst result in their 190-year modern history – reducing their tally to 45 seats.
And even further back, it would be worse than any result they’ve ever suffered, all the way back to the formation of their predecessor party, the Tory Party in the 1670s.
This would put the Tories in fourth place behind the Lib Dems, and the first time they have not been one of the two biggest parties.
The Conservatives would be wiped out in both Wales and the South West, a heartland as recently as 2015, and left with just six seats in the north and one in Scotland.
Robert Jenrick, Priti Patel, James Cleverly and Mel Stride could be among the casualties. Almost 60% of their current front bench would lose their seats.
In theory, the Conservatives could line up with Labour, Lib Dems, Greens, Plaid, SNP, progressive left and Northern Ireland MPs to vote down a Farage premiership, but this is highly unlikely in practice. If they abstain, Mr Farage would still have enough MPs to become PM.
The projections suggest national vote shares of 27% for Reform UK, 21% for Labour, 17% for Conservative, 15% for Lib Dems, 11% for Greens, 3% for SNP and 1% for Plaid.
Some smaller, more recent YouGov polls have put the Reform UK total even higher.
The scale of the threat to Labour from Reform UK is laid bare in this MRP projection.
Three-quarters of Reform UK’s seats would come directly from Labour, while more than half of Labour seats would go directly to Reform UK.
The North East of England would be Reform’s strongest area with 21 of the 27 seats, followed by the East Midlands and Wales. Reform’s weakest areas are London, where they would have six out of 75 and Scotland where they would win five out of 57.
Scotland would see a resurgence of the SNP, an increase of 28 seats to 37 seats, with Labour left with nine seats.
This does not suggest Scottish Labour will be able to win control of the Scottish parliament at next year’s elections.
In Wales, Reform would have 23 seats, against Plaid’s six and Labour’s three, which implies there’s a strong likelihood of Labour losing control in the Welsh Sennedd elections next May.
Voters in Great Britain were asked by YouGov how they would vote in the event of an election tomorrow, even though one is not anticipated for three or four years. MRP projections come with a significant margin of error.
The central projection is that Reform UK gets 311 seats, but this could be as high as 342, which would deliver an overall majority, or as low as 271. The Tories could have as few as 28 seats and as high as 68 seats. Labour’s range could be from 118 to 185.
“It was, quite literally, you deserve to be raped, you N-word bitch,” Ella Mitchell tells me, standing in her kitchen, “and I can’t wrap my head around it.”
Warning: This article includes content that some readers may find distressing
Ella, 25, an administrative assistant in Leeds, is recounting her recent experience at an asylum hotel protest.
The abuse she says she’s had from protesters, calling for the hotel to shut, is shocking.
“Threats of sexual violence, rape threats, racial slurs,” she says, shaking her head.
“I think I will always find it a little bit galling to hear people say that they’re doing this to keep people on their streets safe.”
Image: Ella Mitchell, a counter-protester at the hotel housing asylum seekers in Leeds
For several weeks now, Ella’s helped organise counter-protests outside the Britannia Hotel in Leeds.
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The hotel houses 200 male asylum seekers and protests started in early August, organised under the slogan “Protect Our Kids”.
“We live in a time of immense misogyny and violence against women,” Ella says, but “the only incidences of sexual violence against women that they care about are ones that they can use to further their own agenda, to stir up more hatred around asylum seekers.”
I put it to Ella that there are some people at the protests who wouldn’t call themselves racists or far-right, as some of the counter-protesters claim them to be, but are local residents who feel ignored by the government and angry at small boat arrivals.
“I do understand,” Ella says, “that not every single person there is a seasoned far-right organiser, and I wouldn’t want to claim as such.
“However, if you are stood next to someone who is Sieg Heil-ing [the Hitler salute], for example, or next to someone who is yelling racist abuse, week in, week out, then I think it does reflect on you.
‘They’re angry with the wrong people’
Image: Sally Kincaid speaks during the counter-protest outside a hotel housing asylum seekers in Leeds
Protests and counter-protests outside asylum hotels have been going on all summer, sparked initially by those that began outside the Bell Hotel in Epping, Essex.
“We shouldn’t have to do this, should we?” a counter-protester tells me.
It’s Friday night and we’ve come down to see the Leeds protest for ourselves.
The numbers aren’t huge – a few dozen on both sides, flanked by police – but the rhetoric is aggressive and the atmosphere febrile. Insults are lobbed by people on both sides.
“We shouldn’t have that hatred on this side of road,” Sally Kincaid says, “against people who live on this side of the road.”
Sally, a retired teacher and seasoned protester, has worked with refugee communities for decades.
Image: Anti-migrant protesters outside the Britannia Hotel housing asylum seekers in Leeds
“I can understand people being angry, but they are angry at the wrong people.
“Refugees are not to blame for the fact that there’s bad housing or overcrowded schools.
“And people keep being told that they’re getting all these things – they’re not! They are just waiting and waiting for the Home Office to make a decision.”
Sally then tells us about Hossein, a young refugee from Iran who she fostered from the age of 15.
“He’s lovely,” Sally says, “and everyone that’s ever met him loves him to bits.
“Now, this lot would say he is a bad person.”
I tell Sally that, from our previous conversations with protesters, we know there are a lot of concerns about safety and rates of crime associated with migrants.
“It’s a myth, it’s a myth,” she says, pointing at protesters on the other side, “and it’s being stirred up to make the situation more polarised than it already is.”
‘There’s a lot of racism around and kids are scared’
Image: Sally Kincaid and Steve Johnston with foster son Hossein
Image: Hossein travelled to the UK as a young refugee from Iran before being fostered
A few days later, we go to Sally’s house.
We’d hoped to meet her foster son Hossein, who lived with Sally and her partner, Steve Johnston, for five years after he first arrived in the UK in the back of a freezer van.
Sally and Steve saw Hossein through college, driving tests and, after nearly a decade of waiting, getting British citizenship.
Image: Hossein after passing his driving test
But Hossein isn’t there, and when I ask Sally why, she looks really sad.
“There’s a lot of racism around and kids are scared,” she explains. “That’s the tragedy of it.”
She describes her foster son as someone who “was very, very open on camera a few years ago” but says he is “now worried”.
“The amount of hatred on social media is awful towards refugees, even though he now has status.”
I ask Sally if she finds that painful to admit.
Image: Hossein with foster parents Sally Kincaid and Steve Johnston
“Yes,” she says, “we sat and watched the TV the other night when [Nigel] Farage was talking about deporting Afghan women, and I just thought what’s going on?
“Why have we got ourselves into this situation where people who desperately want to contribute to society are scared to meet people like you.”
Image: The Britannia Hotel houses asylum seekers
‘I don’t think wearing a dog collar exempts you from abuse’
It’s Friday night and, once again, we’re back outside the Britannia hotel.
Protesters and counter-protesters take their positions on either side of the road, and the chanting and name-calling – amplified on loud hailers and speakers – start being flung across the dual carriageway from both sides.
As we walk along the bank of counter-protesters, I see a man, wearing a dog collar and crucifix and quite clearly a member of the clergy, carrying a tray of homemade cakes.
He offers me one and I ask if they are for both sides of the protest.
Image: Cakes being handed out to protesters and counter-protesters by the Bishop of Kirkstall
“Yes we’ve offered them to both sides, and a sense of peace, in the midst of rising tension.”
I ask him what he means by “rising tension”.
“Well, I was last here three weeks ago, and I think the verbal abuse I got today,” he says, gesturing to the protest side, “is more than I had three weeks ago.”
“So to that extent, it does feel like the tension has raised slightly higher,” he adds.
Image: Arun Arora, the Bishop of Kirkstall
The man, as it turns out, is Arun Arora, the Bishop of Kirkstall, the most senior member of the Church of England in West Yorkshire.
I ask him if he finds it shocking that someone who, in his words, has come in peace, should be the target of verbal abuse at these protests.
“I don’t think wearing a dog collar exempts you from abuse,” the bishop says.
“I think part of it is if you stand alongside those who are being dehumanised, those who are being degraded, those who are regarded the least, then you can expect to share in some of the same treatment that they get.”
‘Being polite about it doesn’t win’
I scan the crowd and see Ella, escorting groups of counter-protesters from a nearby car park to the meeting point.
She tells me no one walks here alone in case things get violent.
I also see Steve, Sally’s partner.
Image: Steve Johnston has been involved in the protest movement for years
Like Sally, he’s been involved in the protest movement for years and I ask him about the language we hear being used by the counter-protesters, like chants of “Nazi scum” and “fascist scum, off our streets”.
Does he think it risks making a tense situation even more polarised?
Image: A sign held up by counter-protesters
“There are people over there,” he says, gesturing to the protesters on the other side, “who are clearly members of fascist organisations.”
He concedes, when I challenge him, that there will be some who won’t be, but says “by doing these sort of chants, we hope those people will go away and think ‘well why are they calling us Nazis?’
“People have [previously] stopped the rise of fascism by calling it out for what it is.
“Ignoring it or being polite about it doesn’t win.”
The so-called “Brit card” would verify a citizen’s right to live and work in the UK.
The plans would require anyone starting a new job or renting a home to show the card on a smartphone app, which would then be checked against a central database of those entitled to work and live here.
It is hoped this would reduce the attraction of working in the UK illegally, including for delivery companies.
At the moment, workers have to show at least one form of physical ID in the form of documents, but there are concerns within government that these can be faked.
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French President Emmanuel Macron has repeatedly warned that the lack of ID cards in the UK acts as a major pull factor for Channel crossings, as migrants feel they are able to find work in the black economy.
Image: A BritCard proposed by Labour Together.
Pic: Labour Together
Sir Keir is due to speak at the Global Progress Action Summit in London on Friday, alongside Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney.
The plan represents a shift in the government’s position, as last year ministers ruled out the idea following an intervention from Sir Tony Blair just days after Labour won the general election.
The former Labour prime minister has long been an advocate of ID cards and took steps to introduce a system that would begin as voluntary and could later become compulsory while in office.
The rollout was scrapped after Labour was ejected from power in 2010, having been opposed by the Liberal Democrats and the Tories at the time.
Last July, then Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said of the idea: “It’s not in our manifesto. That’s not our approach.”
Image: Small boat crossings have reached a record high. Pic: Reuters
The UK has only previously had mandatory ID cards during wartime, with the last tranche scrapped in 1952.
The idea has long been opposed by civil liberty and privacy groups in the UK.
Sir Keir is said to have shared their concerns but came round to the idea amid record high levels of small boat crossings.
A report by the Tony Blair Institute published on Wednesday said digital ID can “help close loopholes that trafficking gangs and unscrupulous employers currently exploit, reducing pull factors driving illegal migration to Britain and restoring control over borders”.
Labour Together, a Starmer-backed thinktank, published a report in June which said digital ID could play a role in right-to-work and right-to-rent checks, supporting “better enforcement of migration rules”.
How would digital ID work?
There is no unique regime for identity cards, but decisions the government would have to make include who is required to register, how much information they should hold, and whether physical forms of the ID should also be made available.
Pat McFadden, now the work and pensions secretary, started a cross-government unit to look at how it could work while he was in charge of the cabinet office.
He visited Estonia last month, before the cabinet reshuffle, where he said the Baltic country’s model could be used as an example.
In Estonia, citizens are given a unique number at birth which they use to register marriages, access bank accounts, vote, book GP appointments, file their tax return and even collect supermarket loyalty points, among hundreds of other services.
Mr McFadden told The Times digital ID could be applied “to the immigration system, to the benefit system, to a number of areas”.
‘Checkpoint society’
The government’s plan will be subject to a consultation and would require legislation to be passed, before being rolled out.
Labour MPs on the left of the party have already hit out at the idea.
Nadia Whittome labelled the policy “divisive, authoritarian nonsense”, adding: “If we’re going to reheat Blair-era policies, can we please focus on lifting children out of poverty?”
Reform UK and the Tories are also against the proposal, arguing it will not stop small boat crossings.
The Lib Dems meanwhile said they were against the principle of people being “forced to turn over their private data just to go about their daily lives”.
The civil liberty group Big Brother Watch said: “Plans for a mandatory digital ID would make us all reliant on a digital pass to go about our daily lives, turning us into a checkpoint society that is wholly unBritish.”