In the current climate, which is pretty hostile for the digital assets industry following the failures of 2022, central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) are often perceived as “crypto killers.”
This is hardly an overstatement, as financial authorities’ aspirations concerning CBDCs are relatively straightforward: return firmer control over the movement of money before it gets too decentralized.
Governments around the world are becoming more proactive in that direction. According to a survey by the Bank for International Settlements, 93% of central banks are already researching CBDCs, and there could be up to 24 CBDCs in circulation by 2030.
What is largely missing from the public discussion on CBDCs, especially within the crypto community, is that — besides crypto — national digital currencies actually have a very powerful adversary: banks.
For private financial institutions, the idea of a de facto state-controlled ecosystem of payments and transactions represents an existential threat, in no way less than private cryptocurrencies. Will they try to slow the CBDC revolution or choose to adapt to it?
How CBDCs challenge traditional banks
JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon is famous for his anti-crypto stance, calling the industry nothing more than “a decentralized Ponzi scheme.” When asked about CBDCs, the banker’s response was less passionate but no less anxious:
“I don’t trust it will be properly done. […] There’s a lot more to banking services than the actual token that moves the money. There are fraud risk alert services, call centers, bank branches, ATMs, CRA.”
While there’s definitely a lot more to banking services than money movement, this abundance of opportunities would lose steam in the event of mass divestment, even if it happened exclusively among individual customers, not to mention corporate clients.
By allowing individuals and businesses to hold and transact directly with the central bank, CBDCs could dilute the body of deposits and accounts and, hence, the money mass manipulated by private banking institutions.
In his recent article on the matter, former Greek Minister of Finance Yanis Varoufakis cited the example of First Republic Bank. In May, when First Republic failed, its assets were sold to JPMorgan in violation of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation’s cardinal rule that no bank owning more than 10% of insured U.S. deposits should be allowed to absorb another U.S. bank.
While such a move, sanctioned by the United States government, puts even more potential risk on the financial system, it could have been easily avoided with the help of a CBDC. Then, the Federal Reserve could directly save the funds of First Republic customers by putting them in Fed-guaranteed CBDC deposits. In that case, though, JPMorgan wouldn’t get $92 billion in fresh deposits.
However, it’s not only “too big to fail” institutions that have reasons to fear forgone profit. In an economic shock scenario where depositors seek refuge for their money, the smaller banks, despite all their mom-and-pop charm, would be the first to lose panicking clients should depositors have an opportunity to transfer their funds directly to central banks. In that sense, CBDCs could even worsen financial instability, noted Jonathan Guthrie in the Financial Times.
There are other issues as well, such as potential competition from the CBDC public operators or their private partners. For now, central banks tend to limit their digital currency ambitions with payments and transfers, but what exactly should stop them from broadening their scope of options in the future?
Bankers are well aware of such a scenario. In April 2023, representatives of both European private and public banking institutions voiced their cautious support for a “digital euro” — the initiative cherished by the European Union authorities. But some statements were heavily marked by worry. Jerome Grivet, deputy CEO of French bank Crédit Agricole, stated clearly:
“Central bank digital money could threaten the traditional banks’ business model by competing with their collection activity and disrupting their financing capacity.”
To avoid this, Grivet emphasized that the digital euro should be limited to use as a payment method rather than a store of value. Burkhard Balz, a member of the executive board at Deutsche Bundesbank, further suggested that central banks should be cautious about expanding their role too much in the digital euro ecosystem. He even proposed that the private sector should be responsible for distributing the digital euro.
Is it that bad?
“I don’t think there’s fear among banks regarding CBDCs, at least not yet,” Nihar Neelakanti, CEO of a Web3 project Ecosapiens, explained to Cointelegraph. “Right now, there’s more curiosity about how such a major technological upgrade to the financial system would play out.”
There is still a chance that private banking institutions will become the necessary intermediaries between CBDC platforms and consumers, although it will depend largely on the political will of the central banks. In that case, they could even profit from the new technology.
But no expert would deny the possible threat to the banks’ prosperity in a scenario where the central banks decide to take control.
And it’s not only a question of disintermediation in payments and transfers — what if the central banks decided to lend the money directly to customers?
“Theoretically, because central banks would have control over the CBDC ledger, they also could have access to one’s credit history and worthiness,” Neelakanti explained. In that case, user data could become so centralized that central banks could tailor interest rates to the individual customer’s credit-worthiness:
“There could be not a single Fed fund’s rate but rather a rate that is unique to each and every borrower in whichever country.”
Ralf Kubli, a board member at the Casper Network, was quick to disavow these fears, telling Cointelegraph, “Contrary to popular belief, CBDCs don’t offer much in the way of innovation beyond streamlined settlement.”
In Kubli’s analysis, central bank digital currencies are essentially just a digital form of settlement acting as a payment rail on top of another payment rail. Thus, they don’t reduce the need for labor or oversight. What they can do, however, is fuel the banks’ pace for innovation in the new competitive environment. A massive paradigm shift in finance is on the horizon, Kubli believes:
“To navigate the accelerating rate of change in our data-driven world, banks must embrace a digitally native approach to finance that incorporates blockchain’s transaction security, verifiability and enforceability.”
Sir Keir Starmer has promised to bring down migration numbers by tightening up the rules on those allowed to come to the UK.
The prime minister promised his new plan will reduce net migration – the difference between immigration and emigration – by the end of this parliament in 2029.
Details of the plans have been published in a white paper, a government document that outlines policy proposals before being introduced as legislation.
Sky News has combed through the white paper to bring you the details.
Language requirements
All visa routes will require people to have a certain level of English proficiency.
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People coming with the main visa holders – dependents – will also have to have a basic understanding of English, which they currently do not.
The level of proficiency needed depends on the visa, with a skilled worker visa requiring at least upper intermediate level. Currently, it requires just an “intermediate” level.
To extend visas, people will have to show progression in their English.
Image: Keir Starmer announced the changes at a podium with ‘securing Britain’s future’ on the front. Pic: PA
Settled status
Currently, people have to live in the UK for five years before they can gain settled status.
Under the new plan, they will have to live in the UK for 10 years.
However, “high-contributing” individuals such as doctors and nurses could be allowed to apply for settled status after five years.
A new bereaved parent visa will be created so those in the UK who have a British or settled child that dies can get settled status immediately.
Settled status gives people the right to work and live in the UK for as long as they like, and provides them with the same rights as citizens, such as healthcare and welfare and the right to bring family members to live in the UK.
People with settled status can then choose to apply for British citizenship.
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1:51
Sky’s Sam Coates questions PM on migration
British citizenship
People can qualify sooner for citizenship by contributing to UK society and the economy, like settled status.
The Life in the UK test will be reformed.
Social care visa
This visa, which allowed care workers to come to the UK due to a shortage, will not exist anymore.
There will be a transition period until 2028 when visa extensions and switching to the visa for those already here will be allowed.
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‘We risk becoming an island of strangers’
Skilled worker visa
People wanting to come to the UK on a skilled worker visa must now have at least an undergraduate university degree. The minimum was previously A-levels.
There will also be tighter restrictions on recruitment from overseas for jobs with “critical” skills shortages, as well as strategies to incentivise employers to increase training and participation rates in the UK.
Very highly skilled people, in areas the government identifies, will be given preferential access to come to the UK legally by increasing the number of people allowed to come through the “high talent” routes such as the global talent visa, the innovator founder visa and high potential individual route.
A limited pool of refugees will be allowed to apply for employment through the skilled worker route.
Image: Skilled worker visas will now require at least a university degree, with preferential access for highly skilled people. Pic: PA
Study visas
People on graduate visas will only be allowed to remain in the UK for 18 months after they finish their studies.
Currently, students finishing degrees can stay for two years if they apply for the graduate visa, or those finishing PhDs can stay for three.
Institutions sponsoring international students will have their requirements strengthened, with those close to failing their sponsor duties placed on an action plan and limits imposed on the number of new students they can recruit.
Sponsors, who can cover tuition fees and living costs, include overseas governments, UK government scholarships, UK government departments, UK universities, overseas universities, companies and charities.
Humanitarian visa
The Ukraine, Hong Kong and Afghanistan humanitarian visa routes will remain.
However, the government will review the effectiveness of sponsorship arrangements for those schemes so businesses, universities and community groups can “sustainably” sponsor those refugees.
Image: The government will continue to support humanitarian visas, such as the Afghanistan one after the Taliban took over Kabul in 2021. Pic: AP
Domestic worker visa
To help prevent modern slavery, the government will reconsider this visa, which currently allows foreign national domestic workers to visit the UK with their employer for up to six months.
Businesses
Companies wanting to bring people from abroad to work for them in the UK will have to invest in the UK first.
To prevent exploitation of low-skilled workers on temporary visas already in the UK, the government will look at making it easier for workers to move between licensed sponsors for the duration of their visa.
The right to family life
A growing number of asylum seekers have used the “right to family life” – Article 8 of the Human Rights Act – to stop their deportation.
Legislation will be introduced to “make clear it is the government and parliament that decides who should have the right to remain in the UK”.
It will set out how Article 8 should be applied in different immigration routes so “fewer cases are treated as ‘exceptional'”.
Image: A group of migrants was brought into Dover by Border Force as the PM announced immigration changes. Pic: PA
Foreign national offenders
The Home Office will be given powers to more easily take enforcement and removal action, and revoke visas in a much wider range of crimes where people did not serve jail time in other countries.
Deportation thresholds will be reviewed to take into account more than just the length of their sentence, with violence against women and girls taken more seriously.
Enforcement
Sir Keir said the immigration rules – at the border and in the system – will be more strongly enforced than before “because fair rules must be followed”.
People who claim asylum, particularly after arriving in the UK, where conditions in their home country have not materially changed, will face tighter controls, restrictions and requirements where there is evidence of abuse of the system.
Other governments will be made to play their part to stop their nationals coming to the UK, or from being returned.
Sponsors of migrant workers or students abusing the system will have financial penalties or sanctions placed on them, and they will be given more support to ensure compliance.
People on short-term visas who commit an offence will be deported “swiftly”.
Scientific and tech methods will be explored to ensure adults coming to the UK are not wrongly identified as children.
eVisas, which have now replaced physical documents, will help tackle illegal working and support raids on those overstaying their visas or on the wrong visa.
Major banks are legally obligated to refuse current accounts to individuals suspected of being in the UK illegally and to notify the Home Office. This will be extended to other financial institutions.
Nigel Farage has told Sky News he would allow some essential migration in areas with skill shortages but that numbers would be capped.
The Reform UK leader said he would announce the cap “in four years’ time” after he was pressed repeatedly by Sky’s deputy political editor Sam Coates about his manifesto pledge to freeze “non-essential” immigration.
It was put to Mr Farage that despite his criticism of the government’s migration crackdown, allowing essential migration in his own plans is quite a big caveat given the UK’s skills shortages.
However the Clacton MP said he would allow people to plug the gaps on “time dependent work permits” rather than on longer-term visas.
He said: “Let’s take engineering, for argument’s sake. We don’t train enough engineers, we just don’t. It’s crazy.
“We’ve been pushing young people to doing social sciences degrees or whatever it is.
“So you’re an engineering company, you need somebody to come in on skills. If they come in, on a time dependent work permit, if all the right health assurances and levies have been paid and if at the end of that period of time, you leave or you’re forced to leave, then it works.”
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‘We need to reduce immigration’
Reform’s manifesto, which they call a “contract”, says that “essential skills, mainly around healthcare, must be the only exception” to migration.
Pressed on how wide his exemption would be, Mr Farage said he hopes enough nurses and doctors will be trained “not to need anybody from overseas within the space of a few years”.
He said that work permits should be separate to immigration, adding: “If you get a job for an American TV station and you stay 48 hours longer than your work permit, they will smash your front door down, put you in handcuffs and deport you.
“We allow all of these routes, whether it’s coming into work, whether it’s coming as a student, we have allowed all of these to become routes for long-term migration.”
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1:51
Sky’s Sam Coates questions PM on migration
Asked if he would put a cap on his essential skills exemption, he said: “We will. I can’t tell you the numbers right now, I don’t have all the figures. What I can tell you is anyone that comes in will not be allowed to stay long-term. That’s the difference.”
Pressed if that was a commitment to a cap under a Reform UK government, he suggested he would set out further detail ahead of the next election, telling Coates: “Ask me in four years’ time, all right?”
Mr Farage was speaking after the government published an immigration white paper which pledged to ban overseas care workers as part of a package of measures to bring down net migration.
The former Brexit Party leader claimed the proposals were a “knee jerk reaction” to his party’s success at the local elections and accused the prime minister of not having the vigour to “follow them through”.
However he said he supports the “principle” of banning foreign care workers and conceded he might back some of the measures if they are put to a vote in parliament.
He said: “If it was stuff that did actually bind the government, there might be amendments on this that you would support. But I’m not convinced.”
Is there a catch for Bitcoin hodlers, with the asset’s price up over 600,000% since the beginning of 2013?
Perhaps — if governments keep waking up to Bitcoin’s value, the whole “you only pay tax when you sell” mantra could soon be a thing of the past.
What if a wealth tax is the answer for revenue-hungry tax agencies with no time to lose? It’s a yearly tax on a person’s total net worth — cash, investments, property and other assets — minus any debts, applied whether or not those assets are sold or generating income. The idea is to boost public revenue and curb inequality, mainly by taxing the ultra-rich. A wealth tax takes a clip off what you own, not what you earn.
Countries such as Belgium, Norway and Switzerland have had wealth taxes baked into their tax systems for ages, yet some of the world’s biggest economies — like the US, Australia and France — have largely steered clear.
That might be changing. More governments are eyeing wealth taxes for crypto. In December 2024, French Senator Sylvie Vermeillet took it a step further, suggesting Bitcoin (BTC) be labeled “unproductive,” which would mean taxing its gains every year — whether or not it’s ever sold.
Yep, every asset holder’s favorite word is unrealized capital gains tax. It would be naive to assume other countries are not thinking about the same idea.
With Bitcoin’s significant gains and industry executives such as ARK Invest’s Cathie Wood eyeing a $1.5-million price tag by 2030, I’d bet a magic 8-ball would say, “Signs point to yes.”
The growing global interest in wealth tax
It might seem far-fetched, but it is hard to ignore the gains. The average long-term Bitcoin holder is already sitting on significant profits.
The incentive is obvious. Switzerland’s wealth tax goes up to 1% of a portfolio’s value, and governments know there is plenty to collect.
Countries catch on — sooner or later. Consider how capital gains tax became the norm.
The US introduced capital gains tax in 1913, the UK jumped on board 52 years later in 1965, and Australia followed in 1985.
Governments likely considering the wealth tax
Governments are likely entertaining the idea — whether they admit it or not. If any country seriously considers it, Germany could be a prime candidate, even though it scrapped its wealth tax back in 1997.
In July 2024, offloading 50,000 seized BTC at $58,000 might have seemed like a smart move for the German government, but when Bitcoin hit $100,000 just months later in December, it became clear they left a fortune on the table.
In retrospect, a costly mistake…
Will this be remembered as a blunder on par with Gordon Brown selling half of the UK’s gold reserves at $275 an ounce?
Imposing such a rule on the wealthy comes with obvious risks.
To understand the real effect of taxation on a country, just follow the money — specifically, where millionaires are moving. Recent data shows that high-net-worth individuals are leaving countries like the United Kingdom in droves, heading for tax-friendly havens like Dubai.
The potential repercussions of a wealth tax
Will nations risk losing these individuals to tap into unrealized gains on Bitcoin and other assets?
Bitcoin is volatile and full of unknowns. While some events could lead to massive losses, governments may still push forward with policies that ultimately drive away millionaires, only to realize the trade-off wasn’t worth it.
Conversely, US President Donald Trump recently signed an executive order establishing a Bitcoin Strategic Reserve — a clear nod to the hodl mentality. No doubt, this has other nations considering a similar move.
If nations are embracing the hodl mindset, could that mean wealth taxes are off the table in those countries? Only time will tell.
One thing is sure: Bitcoin hodlers have amassed enough wealth to put themselves on the radar of tax authorities. Whether this sparks fundamental policy changes or just political grandstanding, the crypto community won’t sit back quietly.
Opinion by: Robin Singh, CEO of Koinly.
This article is for general information purposes and is not intended to be and should not be taken as legal or investment advice. The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed here are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect or represent the views and opinions of Cointelegraph.