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The commercial success of the country star Jason Aldeans ode to small-town vigilantism helps explain the persistence of Donald Trumps grip on red America.

Aldeans combative new song, Try That in a Small Town, offers a musical riff on the same core message that Trump has articulated since his entry into politics: that America as conservatives understand it is under such extraordinary assault from the multicultural, urbanized modern left that any means necessary is justified to repel the threat.

In Aldeans lyrics and the video he made of his song, those extraordinary means revolve around threats of vigilante force to hold the line against what he portrays as crime and chaos overrunning big cities. In Trumps political message, those means are his systematic shattering of national norms and potentially laws in order to make America great again.

Read: Trumps rhetoric of white nostalgia

Like Trump, Aldean draws on the pervasive anxiety among Republican base voters that their values are being marginalized in a changing America of multiplying cultural and racial diversity. Each man sends the message that extreme measures, even extending to violence, are required to prevent that displacement.

Even for down-home mainstream conservative voters this idea that we have to have a cultural counterrevolution has taken hold, Patrick Brown, a fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center, told me. The fact that country music is a channel for that isnt at all surprising.

Aldeans belligerent ballad, whose downloads increased more than tenfold after critics denounced it, follows a tradition of country songs pushing back against challenges to Americas status quo. That resistance was expressed in such earlier landmarks as Lee Greenwoods God Bless the U.S.A., a staple at Republican rallies since its 1984 release. Aldean even more directly channels Merle Haggards 1970 country smash, which warned that those opposing the Vietnam War and runnin down my country would see, as the title proclaimed, the fightin side of me. (Earlier, Haggard expressed similar ideas in his 1969 hit, Okie From Muskogee, which celebrated small-town America, where we dont burn our draft cards down on Main Street.)

Haggards songs (to his later ambivalence) became anthems for conservatives during Richard Nixons presidency, as did Greenwoods during Ronald Reagans. That timing was no coincidence: In both periods, those leaders defined the GOP largely in opposition to social changes roiling the country. This is another such moment: Trump is centering his appeal on portraying himself as the last line of defense between his supporters and an array of shadowy forcesincluding globalist elites, the deep state, and violent urban minorities and undocumented immigrantsthat allegedly threaten them.

Aldean, though a staunch Trump supporter, is a performer, not a politician; his song expresses an attitude, not a program. Yet both Aldean and Trump are tapping the widespread belief among conservative white Christians, especially those in the small towns Aldean mythologizes, that they are the real victims of bias in a society inexorably growing more diverse, secular, and urban.

In various national polls since Trumps first election, in 2016, nine in 10 Republicans have said that Christianity in the U.S. is under assault; as many as three-fourths have agreed that bias against white people is now as big a problem as discrimination against minorities; and about seven in 10 have agreed that society punishes men just for acting like men and that white men are now the group most discriminated against in American society.

The belief that Trump shares those concerns, and is committed to addressing them, has always keyed his connection to the Republican electorate. It has led GOP voters to rally around him each time he has done or said something seemingly indefensiblea process that now appears to be repeating even with the January 6 insurrection.

In a national survey released yesterday by Bright Line Watcha collaborative of political scientists studying threats to American democracy60 percent of Republicans (compared with only one-third of independents and one-sixth of Democrats) described the January 6 riot as legitimate political protest. Only a little more than one in 10 Republicans said that Trump committed a crime in his actions on January 6 or during his broader campaign to overturn the 2020 presidential election result.

The revisionist whitewashing of January 6 among conservatives helps explain why Aldean, without any apparent sense of contradiction or irony, can center his song on violent fantasies of good ol boys, raised up right delivering punishment to people who cuss out a cop or stomp on the flag. Trump supporters, many of whom would likely fit Aldeans description of good ol boys, did precisely those things when they stormed the Capitol in 2021. (A January 6 rioter from Arkansas, for instance, was sentenced this week to 52 months in prison for assaulting a cop with a flag.) Yet Aldean pairs those lyrics with images not of the insurrection but of shadowy protesters rampaging through city streets.

By ignoring the January 6 attack while stressing the left-wing violence that sometimes erupted alongside the massive racial-justice protests following the 2020 murder of George Floyd, Aldean, like Trump, is making a clear statement about whom he believes the law is meant to protect and whom it is designed to suppress. The video visually underscores that message because it was filmed outside a Tennessee courthouse where a young Black man was lynched in 1927. Aldean has said he was unaware of the connection, and he’s denied any racist intent in the song. But as the Vanderbilt University historian Nicole Hemmer wrote for CNN.com last week, Whether he admits it or not, both Aldeans song and the courthouse where a teen boy was murdered serve as a reminder that historically, appeals to so-called law and order often rely just as much on White vigilantism as they do on formal legal procedures.

Aldeans song, above all, captures the sense of siege solidifying on the right. It reflects in popular culture the same militancy in the GOP base that has encouraged Republican leaders across the country to adopt more aggressive tactics against Democrats and liberal interests on virtually every front since Trumps defeat in 2020.

A Republican legislative majority in Tennessee, for instance, expelled two young Black Democratic state representatives, and a GOP majority in Montana censured a transgender Democratic state representative and barred her from the floor. Republican-controlled states are advancing incendiary policies that might have been considered unimaginable even a few years ago, like the program by the Texas state government to deter migrants by installing razor wire along the border and floating buoys in the Rio Grande. House Speaker Kevin McCarthy raised the possibility of impeaching Joe Biden. The boycott of Bud Light for simply partnering on a promotional project with a transgender influencer represents another front in this broad counterrevolution on the right. In his campaign, Trump is promising a further escalation: He says if reelected, he will mobilize federal power in unprecedented ways to deliver what he has called retribution for conservatives against blue targets, for instance, by sending the National Guard into Democratic-run cities to fight crime, pursuing a massive deportation program of undocumented immigrants, and openly deploying the Justice Department against his political opponents.

Brown, of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, pointed out that even as Republicans at both the state and national levels push this bristling agenda, they view themselves not as launching a culture war but as responding to one waged against them by liberals in the media, academia, big corporations, and advocacy groups. The dominant view among Republicans, he said, is that were trying to run a defensive action here. We are not aggressing; we are being aggressed upon.

That fear of being displaced in a evolving America has become the most powerful force energizing the GOP electoratewhat Ive called the coalition of restoration. From the start of his political career, Trump has targeted that feeling with his promise to make America great again. Aldean likewise looks back to find his vision of Americas future, defending his song at one concert as an expression of his desire to see America restored to what it once was, before all this bullshit started happening to us.

Read: How working-class white voters became the GOPs foundation

As Brown noted, the 2024 GOP presidential race has become a competition over who is most committed to fighting the left to excavate that lost America. Aldeans song and video help explain why. He has written a battle march for the deepening cold war between the nations diverging red and blue blocs. In his telling, like Trumps, traditionally conservative white Americans are being menaced by social forces that would erase their way of life. For blue America, the process Aldean is describing represents a long-overdue renegotiation as previously marginalized groups such as racial minorities and the LGBTQ community demand more influence and inclusion. In red America, hes describing an existential threat that demands unconditional resistance.

Most Republicans, polls show, are responding to that threat by uniting again behind Trump in the 2024 nomination race, despite the credible criminal charges accumulating against him. But the real message of Try That in a Small Town is that whatever happens to Trump personally, most voters in the Republican coalition are virtually certain to continue demanding leaders who are, like Aldeans good ol boys raised up right, itching for a fight against all that they believe endangers their world.

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NCAA floats rules for direct payments to players

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NCAA floats rules for direct payments to players

The NCAA Division I Board of Directors on Monday proposed deleting 153 longstanding rules from its handbook, a move that will allow schools to share financial benefits directly with players — an expected step towards a new era of amateurism in college athletics, but one that remains contingent upon the approval of the House settlement.

NCAA board members met for about four hours on Monday and emerged with nine major proposed legislative changes, including permission for schools to provide direct financial payments to players, including for use of their NIL. NCAA leaders are aiming to reshape the organization’s role and are poised to effectuate sweeping changes by July 1 if the settlement is approved. Schools have until June 15 to decide whether to opt to provide benefits that would be permissible under the settlement for the coming academic year.

Proposed legislation also includes sport-specific roster limits and allowing full scholarships to all student-athletes on a declared roster — a move the NCAA said will double the scholarships available in women’s sports.

The proposed changes would also align with the expected House settlement in that it would allow Power 4 schools and others who choose to offer settlement-related benefits to provide up to $20.5 million in direct financial benefits to players. (Not all Division I schools will choose to operate in the new system enabled by the settlement, as the Ivy League has chosen to opt out and continue to operate under the current structure.)

The new NIL clearinghouse and enforcement arm that aims to coexist with expected settlement terms was also included, along with rules “intended to bring clarity and stability to the NIL environment for all Division I schools.” To prevent schools from trying to circumvent the $20.5 million cap, the NCAA has proposed rules to help add stability and accountability. All players will be required to disclose their NIL agreements if they are greater or equal to $600. Agreements between the player and a third party outside of their school will be reviewed.

The board also approved new rules that would create technology platforms for the schools to monitor their payments to players and for the athletes to report their third-party NIL agreements. There are also steps the players can take if an NIL agreement is considered “outside of the range of compensation” developed by the external, independent clearinghouse.

An enforcement group that will be created and operated by the defendant conferences will aim to “provide oversight for rules relating to the terms of the settlement, including third-party NIL and the annual benefits cap,” according to the NCAA.

Players will still be allowed to hire agents for NIL purposes, but the NCAA will still use certain eligibility rules that have been used to “distinguish Division I athletics from professional sports,” according to a document that summarizes the legislative changes. For the athletes to receive these benefits, the NCAA will require them to be enrolled full-time, meet Division I progress-toward-degree requirements and earn the benefits during their five-year eligibility period.

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GM Rivera says Cal has ‘plan’ after portal losses

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GM Rivera says Cal has 'plan' after portal losses

BERKELEY, Calif. — Cal football general manager Ron Rivera sought to ease the concerns of a worried fan base after star running back Jaydn Ott and several other key players entered the transfer portal this spring.

“We’re not the only team in the NCAA that is going through this portal situation right now,” Rivera said Monday. “You can’t name a team right now that doesn’t have a player that they wish didn’t go in. We understand all it and we all understand fan favorites. There will be other favorites.”

Cal has been hit hard this spring after losing starting quarterback Fernando Mendoza to Indiana earlier this year. The biggest loss was Ott, who left for Oklahoma earlier this month after three stellar years at Cal.

Ott led the Pac-12 with 1,315 yards rushing in 2023 and was expected to be a key part of the offense in 2025 after being hampered by injuries last season.

“Did we give Jaydn Ott a great shot? I believe we did,” Rivera said. “Sometimes an athlete just thinks I’ve accomplished all I can here and it’s time to move on. … The hard part about him leaving early is here’s a young man that had an opportunity to really create the type of legacy that you could be proud of. But again, it was his decision that he felt was best for himself.”

The Golden Bears also saw leading rusher Jaivian Thomas enter the portal last week and reportedly three other scholarship running backs went into the portal.

Cal also lost star tight end Jack Endries to Texas in the portal, leading to several big holes on offense.

“It was something that was anticipated,” Rivera said. “If there is one guy that we wished didn’t go in, yeah, there was at least one that we wish didn’t go in. But for the most part when you look at what we’re doing, we have a plan. We went out and we’ve identified a number of guys that we like and a number of guys that if we can get these guys we’re pretty much where we were a month ago. Are we concerned? Yes. We have to get those guys in.”

Rivera made clear that he will have his “hands in every facet of Cal football” and answer directly to Chancellor Rich Lyons instead of athletic director Jim Knowlton. Rivera said he consults with Lyons on every major decision and is working closely with coach Justin Wilcox and his staff with the major goal of making Cal football “relevant again.”

Wilcox is entering his ninth season in charge of the Golden Bears and has a 42-50 career record. Cal went 6-7 last season in its first year in the ACC, losing to UNLV in the LA Bowl.

The Bears haven’t finished with a winning record since 2019, haven’t finished a season ranked in the AP poll since 2006 and haven’t played in a top-tier bowl game since the 1959 Rose Bowl.

Rivera said it has been “cool” to work with Wilcox through spring practice and the two are intent on sparking the program.

“What I have with Justin is a working relationship,” Rivera said. “It’s an opportunity for he and I to get together, discuss, collaborate and talk about the things we need to do as a university to help this football program become a very successful program that thrives for excellence.”

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Kraken change course, fire Bylsma after 1 season

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Kraken change course, fire Bylsma after 1 season

The Seattle Kraken are making a series of sweeping changes, starting with Monday’s announcement of coach Dan Bylsma’s firing after just one season.

“We thank Dan for his commitment and the energy he brought to our organization over the past four years at the NHL and AHL levels,” Kraken general manager Ron Francis said in a statement. “After a thorough review of the season and our expectations for next year and beyond, we’ve made the difficult decision to move in a different direction behind the bench.”

Other expected changes include Francis being named team president and assistant general manager Jason Botterill being promoted to general manager, a source confirmed to ESPN amid multiple media reports.

In addition, assistant coach Jessica Campbell, who is the first woman to be behind a bench in NHL history, is being retained, a source told ESPN. She signed a two-year contract with the club last season.

Seattle’s restructuring comes at a time in which the franchise is attempting to find cohesion that has been elusive since the NHL’s 32nd team made its debut in the 2021-22 season.

The Kraken, who fired Dave Hakstol last season, will be searching for their third head coach in as many seasons.

Bylsma, who previously coached the Buffalo Sabres and Pittsburgh Penguins, had coached the Kraken’s AHL affiliate — where Campbell was also an assistant — for two seasons. They would lead the Coachella Valley Firebirds to consecutive AHL championship game appearances before being promoted to the NHL.

Hiring Bylsma came with the belief that he could parlay his AHL success into the Kraken either returning to the playoffs or being a team that challenged for a postseason berth for most of the season.

It was more of the same, however. After winning 34 games in Hakstol’s final season, the Kraken won 35 games while finishing 20 points adrift of the final Western Conference wild-card spot in what ultimately became Bylsma’s lone campaign.

With the playoffs out of the picture, the Kraken were active ahead of the NHL trade deadline. They received 2026 and 2027 first-round picks from the Tampa Bay Lightning in exchange for forwards Oliver Bjorkstrand and Yanni Gourde while receiving additional draft capital in separate deals for Brandon Tanev and Daniel Sprong.

While they have a three-player restricted free agent class that’s led by Kaapo Kakko, the No. 2 pick of the 2019 NHL draft who was acquired in a trade this season, the Kraken have most of their team under contract next season.

They also have more than $21.7 million in projected available cap space that could be used to strengthen a roster that’s trying to challenge in a Western Conference landscape that saw 11 teams finish with more than 89 points.

Francis is slated to speak with reporters Tuesday afternoon, when he will likely address the Kraken’s future and his role going forward. The Hall of Famer had previously served as the Carolina Hurricanes‘ GM before he was hired to take over the Kraken.

His time in charge has seen the franchise seek to build from within using the draft while also dipping into free agency. It has led to the Kraken building what is one of the stronger farm systems in the NHL. But after again missing the playoffs and having mixed results in free agency, questions have emerged about what direction the franchise would be taking and if Francis would be involved.

Botterill, who has been with the Kraken since the 2020-21 season, was the Sabres’ GM for three seasons. Under his stead, Buffalo drafted talents such as Casey Mittelstadt, Ukko-Pekka Luukkonen, Rasmus Dahlin, Mattias Samuelsson and Dylan Cozens as the team sought to insulate then-star center and captain Jack Eichel.

Now, Botterill will be faced with trying to make the Kraken competitive in a market where the team has struggled to gain traction while also being one of the most expensive to watch, according to the Fan Cost Index.

He’ll be charged with trying to find a new coach in what’s expected to be an active market. The Kraken now join the Anaheim Ducks, Boston Bruins, Chicago Blackhawks, New York Rangers and Philadelphia Flyers as teams seeking a new bench boss.

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