How U.S. microchips are fueling Russia’s military — despite sanctions
Western microchips used to power smartphones and laptops are continuing to enter Russia and fuel its military arsenal, new analysis shows.
Trade data and manifests analyzed by CNBC show that Moscow has been sourcing an increased number of semiconductors and other advanced Western technologies through intermediary countries such as China.
In 2022, Russia imported $2.5 billion worth of semiconductor technologies, up from $1.8 billion in 2021.
Semiconductors and microchips play a crucial role in modern-day warfare, powering a range of equipment including drones, radios, missiles, and armored vehicles.
The sanctions evasion and avoidance is surprisingly brazen at the moment.
Elina Ribakova
senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics
Indeed, the KSE Institute — an analytical center at the Kyiv School of Economics — recently analyzed 58 pieces of critical Russian military equipment recovered from Ukraine’s battlefield and found more than 1,000 foreign components, primarily Western semiconductor technologies.
Many of these components are subject to export controls. But, according to analysts CNBC spoke to, convoluted trade routes via China, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates and elsewhere mean they are still entering Russia, adding to the country’s pre-war stockpiles.
A collection of 58 pieces of Russian weaponry captured from the battlefield in Ukraine, such and drones and missiles, contained more than 1,000 Western components, according to a study from the KSE Institute.
CNBC
“Russia is still being able to import all the necessary Western-produced critical components for its military,” said Elina Ribakova, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, and one of the authors of KSE Institute’s report.
“The sanctions evasion and avoidance is surprisingly brazen at the moment,” she added.
Murky supply chains
Not all advanced technologies are subject to Western sanctions on Russia.
Many are dubbed dual-use items, meaning they have both civilian and military applications, and therefore fall outside of the scope of targeted export controls. A microchip may have applications in both a washing machine and a drone, for instance.
Still, many of these products originate from Western nations with sweeping trade bans against Moscow and, specifically, its military. All U.S.-origin items except food and medicine are prohibited from reaching Russia’s army.
It’s difficult to stop strictly civilian microelectronics from crossing borders.
Sam Bendett
advisor at the Center for Navel Analyses
In KSE’s study, more than two-thirds of the foreign components identified in Russian military equipment ultimately originated from companies headquartered in the U.S., with others coming from Ukrainian allies including Japan and Germany.
CNBC was unable to verify whether the implicated companies were aware of the final destination of their goods. Swiss authorities said they were working with firms to “educate them on red flags,” while government spokespeople for the other countries cited did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Separately, a study from the Royal United Services Institute found that Russia’s military uses over 450 different types of foreign-made components in its 27 most modern military systems, including cruise missiles, communications systems and electronic warfare complexes. Many of these parts are made by well-known U.S. companies that create microelectronics for the U.S. military.
More than two-thirds of tech elements recovered in KSE Institute’s study originated from companies headquartered in the U.S.
CNBC
“Over decades, non-Russian high-tech systems and technologies became more advanced and really have become industry and global standards. So, a Russian military, as well as its civilian economy, have become dependent,” Sam Bendett, advisor at the Center for Naval Analyses, said.
The ubiquity and wide-reaching applications of such technologies have led them to become intertwined in global supply chains and therefore harder to police. Meanwhile, sanctions on Russia are largely limited to Ukraine’s Western allies, meaning that many countries continue to trade with Russia.
“It’s difficult to stop strictly civilian microelectronics from crossing borders and from taking place in global trade. And this is what the Russian industry as well as the Russian military and its intelligence services are taking advantage of,” Bendett said.
Russia-China trade spikes
Those trade flows can be messy. Typically, a shipment may be sold and resold several times, often through legitimate businesses, before eventually reaching a neutral intermediary country, where it can then be sold to Russia.
Data suggests China is by far the largest exporter to Russia of microchips and other technology found in crucial battlefield items.
Sellers from China, including Hong Kong, accounted for more than 87% of total Russian semiconductor imports in the fourth quarter of 2022, compared with 33% in Q4 2021. More than half (55%) of those goods were not manufactured in China, but instead produced elsewhere and shipped to Russia via China and Hong Kong-based intermediaries.
China is really trying to accumulate and to make profits and gains on the fact that Russia is economically isolated.
Olena Yurchenko
“This should not be taken as a surprise because China is really trying to accumulate and to make profits and gains on the fact that Russia is economically isolated,” Olena Yurchenko, advisor at the Economic Security Council of Ukraine, said.
China’s trade department did not respond to a request for comment on the findings, nor did the Russian government.
Meantime, Moscow has also increased its imports from so-called intermediary countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia and the Middle East, according to national trade data.
Exports to Russian from Central Asia and Caucasus countries has increased significantly since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, trade data shows.
CNBC
Exports to Russia from Georgia, Armenia and Kyrgystan, for instance, surged in 2022, with vehicles, aircraft and vessels accounting for a significant share of the uptick. At the same time, European Union and U.K. exports to those countries rose, while their direct trade with Russia plunged.
“A lot of these countries really cannot sever certain types of trade with Russia, especially those nations which are either bordering Russia, like Georgia, for example … as well as nations in Central Asia, which maintain a very significant trade balance with the Russian Federation,” Bendett said.
The governments of Georgia, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan did not respond to CNBC’s request for comment on the increase in trade.
Sanctions clampdown
The burgeoning trade flows have prompted calls from Western allies to either get more countries on board with sanctions, or slap secondary sanctions on certain entities operating within those countries in a bid to stifle Russia’s military strength.
In June 2023, the European Union adopted a new package of sanctions which includes an anti-circumvention tool to restrict the “sale, supply, transfer or export” of specified sanctioned goods and technology to certain third countries acting as intermediaries for Russia.
The package also added 87 new companies in countries spanning China, the United Arab Emirates and Armenia to the list of those directly supporting Russia’s military, and restricted the export of 15 technological items found in Russian military equipment in Ukraine.
If we have certain moral values … we cannot be giving [to Ukraine] with one hand and then giving to Russia with the other.
Elina Ribakova
senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics
“We are not sanctioning these countries themselves. What we are doing is preventing an already sanctioned product, which should not reach Russia, from reaching Russia through a third country,” EU spokesperson Daniel Ferrie said.
However, some are skeptical that the measures go far enough — particularly when it comes to major global trade partners.
“[The sanctions] may work against, let’s say, Armenia or Georgia, which are not big trade partners for European Union or for the United States. But in when it comes, for instance, to China or to Turkey, that’s a very unlikely scenario,” the Economic Security Council of Ukraine’s Yurchenko said.
Others say that responsibility ultimately lies with the companies, which need to do more to monitor their supply chains and avoid their goods falling into the wrong hands.
“The companies themselves should have the infrastructure to be able to track it and comply with export controls,” Ribakova said.
“If we have certain moral values or national security objectives, we cannot be giving [to Ukraine] with one hand and then giving to Russia with the other.”
Tim Cook, CEO of Apple Inc., during the Apple Worldwide Developers Conference at Apple Park campus in Cupertino, California, on June 9, 2025.
David Paul Morris | Bloomberg | Getty Images
Apple shares rose more than 3% in extended trading Tuesday after a federal judge ruled that Alphabet may continue making payments to preload Google Search onto the iPhone.
Although Apple wasn’t a party in the search monopoly trial, the judge was considering remedies that would bar Google from paying billions per year to Apple to be the default search engine on the Safari browser on iPhones, Macs and iPads.
“Google will not be barred from making payments or offering other consideration to distribution partners for preloading or placement of Google Search, Chrome, or its GenAI products,” Judge Amit Mehta wrote in his decision.
“Cutting off payments from Google almost certainly will impose substantial — in some cases, crippling — downstream harms to distribution partners, related markets, and consumers, which counsels against a broad payment ban,” the decision continued.
The landmark case focused on Google’s dominance of the general search market, Google’s violations of the Sherman Act and the barriers to entry that the search engine erected.
However, the judge said that Google will be barred from entering or maintaining “any exclusive contract” related to preloading its search engine or key apps on devices, specifying that Google can’t bundle its Android services with Google search or condition revenue share agreements on the acceptance of other Google apps or services.
The decision said that Apple’s deal with Google to be the default search engine was “exclusive” because it established Google as the default out-of-the-box search engine.
But while Mehta put restrictions on Google making payments to ensure its products receive exclusive distribution, he fell short of banning those payments entirely, leaving open the possibility that the two companies could strike a new deal. The remedies would limit any revenue-sharing agreement to one year, according to the Department of Justice.
Apple did not immediately respond for a request for comment.
“Now the Court has imposed limits on how we distribute Google services, and will require us to share Search data with rivals,” Google said in a blog post. “We have concerns about how these requirements will impact our users and their privacy, and we’re reviewing the decision closely.”
The U.S. Department of Justice filed its suit against Google in 2020, alleging that Google kept its share of the general search market by erecting strong barriers for challengers, such as its default search deals. The U.S. District Court in Washington ruled last August that Google violated Section 2 of the Sherman Act. Eddy Cue, Apple’s senior vice president of software and services, testified on Google’s behalf about potential remedies.
Tuesday’s filing was the first time the judge had detailed his proposed remedies.
Analysts previously said that it may take years before Apple is forced to make changes in response to a Google suit ruling. Google has said it will appeal the ruling, and analysts say any remedies trial could last for up to two years. Google can also appeal the outcome of the remedies trial, and the Supreme Court can choose take a look at it once appeals are exhausted.
Google CEO Sundar Pichai (L) and Apple CEO Tim Cook (R) listen as U.S. President Joe Biden speaks during a roundtable with American and Indian business leaders in the East Room of the White House on June 23, 2023 in Washington, DC.
Anna Moneymaker | Getty Images
Default agreements
While Google contracts with companies such as Samsung and browser-maker Mozilla to be the default search engine on their platforms, the most important and biggest such “default agreement” deal is with Apple. Google paid all partners $26 billion in total to be the default search engine in 2021, according to documents discussed in court.
Google paid because it funnels traffic from Apple’s 1 billion iPhone users to its search engine, and the revenue is critical for the growth of Apple’s services business, which investors love because it is so much more profitable than hardware sales.
In addition to the licensing payments, Apple says that it uses Google because it’s the best search engine and that its priority is to offer the best tools to its customers.
Apple also has options if it cannot make Google the default search engine. Earlier this year, for example, Apple’s Cue said in court as a witness for Google that the iPhone maker is also considering adding AI search engines as options to its software.
“Cue’s testimony establishes that Google’s high revenue share payments deterred Apple from trying to capture for itself all the advertising rents that flow through the Safari browser’s default search box,” the judge wrote in Tuesday’s filing.
Apple’s revenue from Google is reported in its financials as advertising revenue, which is reported as part of the company’s Services business, which also includes AppleCare warranties, cloud services like iCloud, and digital content like apps and Apple Music.
WATCH: Federal judge rules Google does not have to divest Chrome
Waymo partners with Uber to bring robotaxi service to Atlanta and Austin.
Uber Technologies Inc.
Alphabet’s Waymo unit will begin test drives of its robotaxis in Denver and Seattle this week, with humans behind the wheel, the company said Tuesday.
“We will begin driving manually before validating our technology and operations for fully autonomous services in the future,” a company spokesperson said in an email. Waymo announced the tests in blog posts.
The autonomous vehicle venture aims to expand its driverless, ride-hailing service across the U.S. after already launching commercial operations in Austin, Texas, as well as Atlanta, San Francisco, Phoenix and Los Angeles.
In some markets, including Austin and Atlanta, Waymo’s driverless rides can only be hailed through the Uber app. In others, riders must use the company’s stand-alone Waymo One app to book a robotaxi.
Safety drivers, who are employees of Waymo, will man the steering and braking behind the test vehicles in Denver and Seattle. The company is also running similar tests with its robotaxis in New York, having recently obtained permits in the biggest U.S. market.
The company’s test fleet in Denver and in Seattle will include a mix of their fully electric Jaguar iPace and Geely Zeekr AVs.
Waymo told CNBC that it will have up to a dozen cars each in Denver and Seattle to start testing.
Waymo’s primary competition on the global stage is Baidu-owned Apollo Go in China, which operates driverless ride-hailing services across Asia. Meanwhile, Tesla has obtained a permit to operate a ride-hailing business in Texas, and is testing a manned robotaxi service in Austin and another in San Francisco.
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