Fears have been raised over the robustness of Britain’s trade sanctions against Russia after the main government department enforcing the rules admitted it has no idea how many cases it is investigating.

HM Revenue and Customs (HMRC), which monitors and polices flows of goods in and out of the country, says it had no central record of how many investigations it’s carrying out into Russian sanctions. It also said that while it had issued six fines in relation to sanction-breaking since 2022, it would not name the firms sanctioned or provide any further detail on what they did wrong.

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The disclosures were part of a response to a Freedom of Information (FOI) request from Sky News, as part of its wider investigation into the sanctions regime against Russia.

In recent months we’ve reported on data showing flows of goods, including dual-use items which can be turned into weapons, from the UK into Caucasus and Central Asian states. We’ve shown how luxury British cars are being transported across the border from the Caucasus into Russia. And we’ve shown the contrast between rhetoric and reality on the various rules clamping down on trade in Russian fossil fuels.

But despite the challenges facing the sanctions regime, information on the enforcement of those sanctions is quite scant. The Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation (OFSI) has so far only imposed a single £15,000 fine for breach of financial sanctions – in other words those moving money in or out of Russia or helping sanctioned individuals do so.

HMRC has so far issued six fines in relation to Russian sanctions, but it refused to name any companies or individuals affected by the fines – or to provide any further details on what they were doing to break the rules. And, unlike other organisations, such as OFSI, it has never said how many cases it is working on – giving little sense of the scale of the pipeline of forthcoming action.

Asked by Sky News to provide such details under FOI legislation, HMRC said: “The number of current investigations which may involve these sanctions, regardless of the eventual outcome, is not centrally recorded.

“To determine how many investigations are within scope of your request would require a manual search of a significant number of records, held by different business areas. Not all investigations reach the level of formal cases being opened, but these investigations are still recorded as compliance activity which would need to be manually reviewed to provide an answer.”

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Mark Handley, a partner at law firm Duane Morris, has spent years monitoring the information released on sanctions cases. He said: “If you’re trying to organise an organisation like HMRC in terms of resourcing and all the rest of it, you would think that they might know how many investigations they have ongoing and how to staff all of those. So I’m surprised that they didn’t have that number to hand.”

HMRC also said it would protect the privacy of companies fined for breaking sanctions rules. The FOI response continued: “HMRC do not consider that disclosing the company name would drive compliance, promote voluntary disclosure or be proportionate.”

This is in stark contrast to other countries, notably the US, where companies are routinely named and shamed in an effort to drive compliance.

Leigh Hansson, partner at legal firm Reed Smith and a sanctions expert, said: “The US loves to name and shame, and I think from a US compliance perspective, it’s actually done quite a lot in further enforcing compliance both within the United States and globally.

“Because once you see a company [has] been fined or they’re placed on the specially-designated nationals list, all the other companies in their industry call around going: ‘hey, am I next?’

“And they want to know what it is that the company did – how did they violate sanctions?”

“One of the things the United States does in these penalty announcements is they provide background on the things the company did wrong, but these are also the things the company did right… And the information that they publish is quite helpful.”

The absence of such disclosure in the UK means both businesses and the public more widely have less clarity on the rules – which in turn may help explain why the regime has been more leaky than expected, with goods still flowing towards Russian satellite states, despite the fact that sanctions prohibit even indirect flows of goods to Russia.

Mr Handley said one consequence of the secrecy from HMRC is that “you’re operating in a vacuum, at the moment. Because the government’s not giving you the information that tells you what kind of conduct gets you to a civil settlement as opposed to a criminal prosecution”.

“So, again, even if you’re keeping the name anonymous, you can help businesses and individuals behave better and properly by giving more information,” he added.

The future of Pizza Hut’s restaurants in Britain has been salvaged after the business was sold out of insolvency proceedings to the brand’s main partner in Denmark and Sweden.

Sky News can reveal that Heart With Smart (HWS), Pizza Hut’s dine-in franchise partner in the UK, was sold on Thursday to an entity controlled by investment firm Directional Capital.

The pre-pack administration – which was reported by Sky News on Monday – ends a two-month process to identify new investors for the business, which had been left scrambling to secure funding in the wake of Rachel Reeves’s October budget.

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Sources said that only one Pizza Hut restaurant would close as part of the deal.

More than 3,000 jobs have been preserved as a result of the transaction with Directional Capital-owned vehicle DC London Pie, they added.

“Over the past six years, we have made great progress in building our business and strengthening our operations to become one of the UK’s leading hospitality franchise operators, all whilst navigating a challenging economic backdrop,” Jens Hofma, HWS’s chief executive, said in response to an enquiry from Sky News on Thursday.

“With the acquisition by Directional Capital announced today, the future of the business has been secured with a strong platform in place.”

Dwayne Boothe, an executive at Directional Capital, said: “This transaction marks an important milestone for Directional Capital as we continue to build the Directional Pizza platform into a premier food & beverage operator throughout the UK and Europe.

“Directional Pizza continues to invest in improving food and beverage across its growing 240 plus locations in Europe and the UK.”

The extent of a rescue deal for Pizza Hut’s UK restaurants had been cast into doubt by the government’s decision to impose steep increases on employers’ national insurance contributions (NICs) from April.

These are expected to add approximately £4m to HWS’s annual cost base – equivalent to more than half of last year’s earnings before interest, tax, depreciation and amortisation.

Until the pre-pack deal, HWS was owned by a combination of Pricoa, a lender, and the company’s management, led by Mr Hofma.

They led a management buyout reportedly worth £100m in 2018, with the business having previously owned by Rutland Partners, a private equity firm.

HWS licenses the Pizza Hut name from Yum! Brands, the American food giant which also owns KFC.

Interpath Advisory has been overseeing the sale and insolvency process.

Even before the Budget, restaurant operators were feeling significant pressure, with TGI Fridays collapsing into administration before being sold to a consortium of Breal Capital and Calveton.

Sky News also revealed during the autumn that Pizza Express had hired investment bankers to advise on a debt refinancing.

HWS operates all of Pizza Hut’s dine-in restaurants in Britain, but has no involvement with its large number of delivery outlets, which are run by individual franchisees.

Directional Capital, however, is understood to own two of Pizza Hut’s UK delivery franchisees.

Accounts filed at Companies House for HWS4 for the period from December 5, 2022 to December 3, 2023 show that it completed a restructuring of its debt under which its lenders agreed to suspend repayments of some of its borrowings until November next year.

The terms of the same facilities were also extended to September 2027, while it also signed a new ten-year Pizza Hut franchise agreement with Yum Brands which expires in 2032.

“Whilst market conditions have improved noticeably since 2022, consumers remain challenged by higher-than-average levels of inflation, high mortgage costs and slow growth in the economy,” the accounts said.

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It added: “The costs of business remain challenging.”

Pizza Hut opened its first UK restaurant in the early 1970s and expanded rapidly over the following 15 years.

In 2020, the company announced that it was closing dozens of restaurants, with the loss of hundreds of jobs, through a company voluntary arrangement (CVA).

At that time, it operated more than 240 sites across the UK.

Forget this week’s minor decrease in the UK inflation number. 

The most important European data release was the confirmation from Germany that, during 2024, its economy contracted for the second consecutive year.

Europe’s largest economy shrank by 0.2% during 2024 – on top of a 0.3% contraction in 2023.

Now it must be stressed that this was a very early estimate from Germany’s Federal Statistics Office and that the numbers may be revised higher in due course. That health warning is especially appropriate this time around because, very unexpectedly, the figures suggest the economy contracted during the final three months of the year and most economists had expected a modest expansion.

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If unrevised, though, it would confirm that Germany is suffering its worst bout of economic stagnation since the Second World War.

The timing is lousy for Olaf Scholz, Germany’s chancellor, who faces the electorate just six weeks from now.

Worse still, things seem unlikely to get better this year, regardless of who wins the election.

Germany, along with the rest of the world, is watching anxiously to see what tariffs Donald Trump will slap on imports when he returns to the White House next week.

Germany, whose trade surplus with the United States is estimated by the Reuters news agency to have hit a record €65bbn (£54.7bn) during the first 11 months of 2024, is likely to be a prime target for such tariffs.

Aside from that, Germany remains beset by some of the problems with which it has been grappling for some time.

Because of its large manufacturing sector, Germany has been hit disproportionately by the surge in energy prices since Russia invaded Ukraine nearly three years ago, while those manufacturers are also suffering from intense competition from China. The big three carmakers – Volkswagen, Mercedes-Benz and BMW – were already staring at a huge increase in costs because of having to switch to producing electric vehicles instead of cars powered by traditional internal combustion engines. That task has got harder as Chinese EV makers, such as BYD, undercut them on price.

Other German manufacturers – many of which have not fully recovered from the COVID lockdowns five years ago – have also been beset by higher costs as shown by the fact that, remarkably, German industrial production in November last year was fully 15% lower than the record high achieved in 2017.

German consumer spending, meanwhile, remains becalmed. Consumers have kept their purse strings closed amid the economic uncertainty while a fall in house prices has further depressed sentiment. While home ownership is lower in Germany than many other OECD countries, those Germans who do own their own homes have a bigger proportion of their household wealth tied up in bricks and mortar than most of their OECD counterparts, including the property-crazy British.

Consumer sentiment has also been hit by waves of lay-offs. German companies in the Fortune 500, including big names such as Siemens, Bosch, Thyssenkrupp and Deutsche Bahn, are reckoned to have laid off more than 60,000 staff during the first 10 months of 2024. Bosch, one of the country’s most admired manufacturing companies, announced in November alone plans to let go of some 7,000 workers.

More of the same is expected in 2025.

Volkswagen shocked the German public in September last year when it said it was considering its first German factory closure in its 87-year history. Analysts suggest as many as 15,000 jobs could go at the company.

Accordingly, hopes for much of a recovery are severely depressed.

As Jens-Oliver Niklasch, of LBBW Bank, put it today: “Everything suggests that 2025 will be the third consecutive year of recession.”

That is not the view of the Bundesbank, Germany’s central bank, whose official forecast – set last month – is that the economy will expand by 0.2% this year. But that was down from its previous forecast of 1.1% – and growth of 0.2%, for a weary German electorate, will not feel that different from a contraction of 0.2%.

And all is not yet lost. The European Central Bank is widely expected to cut interest rates more aggressively this year than any of its peers. Meanwhile, one option for whoever wins the German election would be to remove the ‘debt brake’ imposed in 2009 in response to the global financial crisis, which restricts the government from running a structural budget deficit of more than 0.35% of German GDP each year.

The incoming chancellor, expected to be Friedrich Merz of the centre-right CDU/CSU, could easily justify such a move by ramping up defence spending in response to Mr Trump’s demands for NATO members to do so. Mr Merz has also indicated that policies aimed at supporting decarbonisation will take less of a priority than defending Germany’s beleaguered manufacturers.

But these are all, for now, only things that may happen rather than things that will happen.

And the current economic doldrums, in the meantime, will only push German voters to the extreme left-wing Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht or the extreme right-wing Alternative fur Deutschland.