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As Kevin McCarthy made his televised declaration earlier today that House Republicans were launching an impeachment inquiry into President Joe Biden, the House speaker stood outside his office in the Capitol, a trio of American flags arrayed behind to lend an air of dignity to such a grave announcement. But McCarthy looked and sounded like a hostage, and for good reason.

That the Republican majority would eventually try to impeach Biden was never really in doubt. The Atlantics Barton Gellman predicted as much nearly a year ago, even before the GOP narrowly ousted Democrats from control in the House. McCarthy characterized the move as a logistical next step in the partys investigation into Bidens involvement with his son Hunters business dealings, which has thus far yielded no evidence of presidential corruption. But intentionally or not, the speakers words underscored the inevitability of this effort, which is as much about exacting revenge on behalf of the twice-impeached former President Donald Trump as it is about prosecuting Bidens alleged misdeeds.

From the moment that McCarthy won the speakership on the 15th vote, his grip on the gavel has seemed shaky at best. The full list of concessions he made to Republican holdouts to secure the job remains unclear and may be forcing his hand in hidden ways nine months later. The most important of those compromises, however, did become public: At any time, a single member of the House can force a vote that could remove McCarthy as speaker.

Read: Speaker in name only

The high point of McCarthys year came in June, when the House overwhelmingly approvedalthough with notably more votes from Democrats than Republicansthe debt-ceiling deal he struck with Biden. That legislation successfully prevented a first-ever U.S. default, but blowback from conservatives has forced McCarthy to renege on the spending provisions of the agreement. House Republicans are advancing bills that appropriate far less money than the June budget accord called for, setting up a clash with both the Democratic-controlled Senate and the White House that could result in a government shutdown either when the fiscal year ends on September 30 or later in the fall.

GOP hard-liners have also backed McCarthy into a corner on impeachment. The speaker has tried his best to walk a careful line on the question, knowing that to keep his job, he could neither rush into a bid to topple the president nor rule one out. Trump allies like Representatives Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia and Matt Gaetz of Florida have been angling to impeach Biden virtually from the moment he took office, while GOP lawmakers who represent districts that Biden wonand on whom the GOPs thin House advantage dependshave been much cooler to the idea. McCarthy has had to satisfy both wings of the party, but he has been unable to do so without undermining his own position.

Less than two weeks ago, McCarthy said that he would launch a formal impeachment only with a vote of the full House. As the minority leader in 2019, McCarthy had castigated then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi for initiating an impeachment probe against Trump before holding a vote on the matter. If we move forward with an impeachment inquiry, McCarthy told the conservative publication Breitbart, it would occur through a vote on the floor of the peoples House and not through a declaration by one person. By this morning, the speaker had reversed himself, unilaterally announcing an impeachment inquiry just as Pelosi did four years ago this month. (McCarthy made no mention of a House vote during his speech, and when reporters in the Capitol asked about it, a spokesperson for the speaker told them no vote was planned.)

The reason for McCarthys flip is plain: He doesnt have the support to open an impeachment inquiry through a floor vote, but to avoid a revolt from hard-liners, he had to announce an inquiry anyway. Substantively, his declaration means little. House Republicans have more or less been conducting an impeachment inquiry for months; formalizing the process simply means they may be able to subpoena more documents from the president. The effort is all but certain to fail. Whether it will yield enough Republican votes to impeach Biden in the House is far from clear. That it will secure the two-thirds needed to convict the president in the Senate is almost unthinkable.

Barton Gellman: The impeachment of Joe Biden

McCarthys announcement won praise from only some of his Republican critics. Barely an hour later, Gaetz delivered a preplanned speech on the House floor decrying the speakers first eight months in office and vowing to force a vote on his removal if McCarthy caves to Democrats during this months shutdown fight. He called the speakers impeachment announcement a baby step delivered in a rushed and somewhat rattled performance. A longtime foe of McCarthys, Gaetz was one of the final holdouts in the Californians bid to become speaker in January, when he forced McCarthy to grovel before acquiescing on the final ballot. I am here to serve notice, Mr. Speaker, Gaetz said this afternoon, that you are out of compliance with the agreement that allowed you to assume this role.

If McCarthy has become a hostage of the House hard-liners, then Gaetz is his captoror, more likely, one of several. Publicly, the speaker has dared Gaetz to try to overthrow him, but caving on impeachment and forsaking a floor vote suggests that he might not be so confident.

The speaker is as isolated in Washington as he is in his own conference. Senate Republicans have shown no interest in the Houses impeachment push, and they are far more willing to adhere to the terms of the budget deal that McCarthy struck with Biden and avert a government shutdown. Perhaps McCarthy believed that by moving on impeachment now he could buy some room to maneuver on the spending fights to come. But the impetus behind todays announcement is more likely the same one that has driven nearly all of his decisions as speakerthe desire to wake up tomorrow morning and hold the job at least one more day.

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Politics

Surprise good news as government borrowing less than forecast

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Surprise good news as government borrowing less than forecast

The government borrowed the least amount of money in three years last month, official figures showed, in a surprise bout of good news for Chancellor Rachel Reeves.

Not since July 2021, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, was state borrowing so low, according to data from the Office for National Statistics (ONS).

Increases in tax and national insurance receipts meant public sector net borrowing was £1.1bn in July, meaning there was a £1.1bn gap between government spending and income.

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That borrowing is less than half the figure (£2.6bn) expected by economists polled by the Reuters news agency, as self-assessed income tax was £600m higher than expected.

But borrowing was still £6bn higher in the first four months of the financial year, which started in April, than the same period in 2024.

Despite a £2.3bn drop in monthly borrowing when July 2025 is compared with July 2024, the state still spent more on the cost of that lending.

The amount of interest paid on government debt was £7.1bn, £200m more than a year earlier.

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The cost of government borrowing has increased in recent months as the interest rate investors demand on loans issued to the UK (bonds) rose.

At the start of the week, the government’s long-term borrowing cost, as measured by the interest rate on 30-year bonds (known as the gilt yield), closed at the highest level since 1998.

What does it mean for the chancellor?

The monthly borrowing data is in line with the predictions made by independent forecasters, the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR).

It may not be as rosy a picture, however, as research firm Capital Economics point out the cumulative budget deficit, rather than a monthly figure, is £5.7bn above the OBR’s forecast.

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Are taxes going to rise?

This matters for the chancellor’s self-imposed fiscal rules, to bring down government debt and balance the budget by 2030, the firm said.

“The chancellor will probably need to raise taxes by £17bn to £27bn at the budget later this year,” Capital Economics’ UK economist Alex Kerr said.

Elevated self-assessment income tax receipts “may just reflect the timing of tax returns being recorded, and receipts in August may be weaker than expected”, he added.

Responding to the figures, Ms Reeves’s deputy, chief secretary to the Treasury, Darren Jones, said: “Far too much taxpayer money is spent on interest payments for the longstanding national debt.

“That’s why we’re driving down government borrowing over the course of the parliament – so working people don’t have to foot the bill and we can invest in better schools, hospitals, and services for working families.”

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Environment

CNBC Daily Open: Tech sell-off? Investors could just be taking profit and enjoying the summer

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CNBC Daily Open: Tech sell-off? Investors could just be taking profit and enjoying the summer

A Palantir sign at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, on May 22, 2022.

Fabrice Coffrini | Afp | Getty Images

If you have any U.S. technology stocks in your portfolio (and let’s face it, who doesn’t?), you might want to look away.

For the second day in a row, tech stocks dragged markets lower, with the Nasdaq Composite slipping 0.67%. Juggernauts such as Apple, Amazon and Alphabet were more meh-nificent than magnificent, falling more than 1%.

Palantir — the standout S&P 500 stock, having more than doubled so far this year — had its sixth consecutive day in the red and lost its place among a ranking of the 20 most valuable U.S. companies.

While Palantir’s slide was partly triggered by a report from short seller Andrew Left’s Citron Research, which called the company “detached from fundamentals and analysis,” there was no single trigger for the broader pullback.

Investors could have been spooked by OpenAI CEO Sam Altman’s caution about an AI bubble forming, although some analysts dispute that assertion. “In our view the tech bull cycle will be well intact at least for another 2-3 years,” said Wall Street tech bull Dan Ives.

Or it could be something benign, like traders locking in profits. “Tech stocks,” said Carol Schleif, chief market strategist at BMO Private Wealth, “have had an incredibly strong run – with some up over 80% since the early April lows.”

Summer, after all, is far from over. Some investors might have just wanted to cash out for another round of margaritas.

What you need to know today

And finally…

U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin arrive for a press conference at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson on Aug. 15, 2025 in Anchorage, Alaska.

Andrew Harnik | Getty Images

Red carpet for Putin, trade relief for China, penalties on India: Inside Trump’s peculiar policy playbook

U.S. President Donald Trump is pursuing an unusual strategy — courting Russian President Vladimir Putin, holding fire on Beijing, all the while turning the screws on India.

Despite India being one of the earliest nations to engage in negotiations with the Trump administration, there is still no sign of it sealing a deal with America. New Delhi is now also staring at a secondary tariff of 25% or a “penalty” for its purchases of Russian oil that is set to come into effect later this month.

— Anniek Bao

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US

How Trump’s Republicans are literally redrawing maps to help stay in power

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How Trump's Republicans are literally redrawing maps to help stay in power

Legislators in Texas have approved new congressional maps designed to boost Donald Trump’s Republicans at next year’s midterm elections.

Known as redistricting, the state’s re-drawn map would shift conservative voters into districts currently held by Democrats, and combine other districts with a Democratic majority into one.

The process is not new, and is completely legal – unless it is ruled to be racially motivated – but typically occurs every 10 years after the US Census to account for population changes.

The push to redistrict early came from Mr Trump himself, who wants to bolster his chances of preserving the slim Republican majority in the House of Representatives at next year’s crucial midterms.

But by trying to re-draw the maps in the red state of Texas, Democrats have lined up their own counter redistricting effort in the blue state of California.

If more states decide to re-consider their maps, it has the potential to largely determine the outcome of the 2026 midterms, before a single vote is cast.

What’s happening in Texas?

Mr Trump first said he wanted politicians in Texas to redraw the state’s congressional district in July. The governor of Texas, Greg Abbott, followed up on the president’s demands, calling for a special session to vote on new maps.

“Please pass this map ASAP,” Mr Trump urged on his Truth Social platform on Monday. “Thank you, Texas!”

Republican Texas State Representative Todd Hunter brought about the legislation. Pic: AP
Image:
Republican Texas State Representative Todd Hunter brought about the legislation. Pic: AP

In an effort to try to make passing the vote as difficult as possible, Democrats fled the state for two weeks. Per parliamentary rules, if enough Democrats refuse to take part in the special session, the Texas House can’t meet.

On their return, each Democratic politician was assigned a police escort to ensure they attended the session.

Nicole Collier, who refused the police escort, stayed in the House for two nights, and was pictured with an eye mask and blanket trying to sleep at her desk.

Nicole Collier sleeps in the House chamber after refusing a police escort. Pic: Reuters
Image:
Nicole Collier sleeps in the House chamber after refusing a police escort. Pic: Reuters

Once the debate started, the doors to the chamber were locked and all members wanting to leave had to get a permission slip to do so.

After nearly eight hours, the legislation to formally change the map was passed 88-52 on Wednesday.

It now needs to be approved by the Texas Senate, where Republicans hold a majority, and then signed off by Mr Abbott, who has already committed to doing just that.

Activists protest against mid-decade redistricting in Texas. Pic: AP
Image:
Activists protest against mid-decade redistricting in Texas. Pic: AP

Why re-draw maps?

Republicans in Texas have openly said the rally to re-draw congressional maps is in the party’s interest.

Todd Hunter, the Republican who wrote the legislation formally creating the new map, told the House: “The underlying goal of this plan is straight forward: improve Republican political performance.”

He said the dispute is nothing more than a partisan fight, and made reference to the US Supreme Court having previously allowed politicians to redraw districts for partisan purposes.

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Pic: AP
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Pic: AP

Democrats hit back, arguing the disagreement was about more than partisanship.

“In a democracy, people choose their representatives,” representative Chris Turner said. “This bill flips that on its head and lets politicians in Washington, DC, choose their voters.”

Another Democrat, John H Bucy, blamed the president, saying: “This is Donald Trump’s map.

“It clearly and deliberately manufactures five more Republican seats in Congress because Trump himself knows that the voters are rejecting his agenda.”

How have Democrats responded?

The move by Republicans has triggered a tit-for-tat move by the Democrats, who are due to meet in California on Thursday to revise the state’s maps in order to gain five more seats.

To enact the same powers in California will prove harder, as state laws require an independent commission to take responsibility for redistricting – meaning it would need to be approved by voters in a special election.

In other blue states, rules are even tighter. For example, in New York, they cannot draw new maps until 2028, and even then, only with voter approval.

Despite the obstacles, California governor Gavin Newsom confirmed a redistricting election will take place in the state on 4 November, in order to “fight fire with fire”.

His plan has gained support from former president Barack Obama, who said it was necessary to “stave off” the Republicans’ move in Texas.

Barack Obama attends Trump's inauguration in January. Pic: The New York Times via AP
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Barack Obama attends Trump’s inauguration in January. Pic: The New York Times via AP

Could this affect the midterms?

The midterms in November next year will likely be on a knife edge.

Whatever the outcome, it could shape the remainder of Mr Trump’s second term in office. A Democrat majority would make it tougher for him to pass laws.

Currently, Republicans control the House of Representatives in Washington, 219-212 (excluding four open vacancies). A party needs 218 seats for a majority.

In the Senate, the Republicans hold a similarly slim majority of 53 to 45.

Gavin Newsom is framing his response as the 'election rigging response act'. Pic: Reuters
Image:
Gavin Newsom is framing his response as the ‘election rigging response act’. Pic: Reuters

However, the incumbent president’s party typically loses seats in the midterms.

In the 2018 midterms, during Mr Trump’s first tenure as president, the Democrats took control of the House. Likewise, in 2022, when Joe Biden was president, the House swung back to the Republicans.

It’s important to note that 27 House seats will remain in states that are unlikely to redraw their maps, according to The New York Times.

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In a bid to avoid a repeat of history, Mr Trump is pushing for redistricting in states beyond Texas. Top Republicans in states like Indiana, Missouri, and Florida continue to talk about tweaking their maps to create more Republican-controlled congressional seats.

While Ohio has to legally redraw, the timing of which could benefit the Republicans, and, by extension, Mr Trump.

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