Never were the divides in the Conservative Party more stark than in the Brexit years.
Whether it was Leave campaigners demanding to exit the bloc on their terms, or Remain backers calling for a second referendum, the drama within the ranks was laid bare for all to see.
Parliament may have moved on from those tempestuous days but it hasn’t stopped the Tories finding new dividing lines, and the incumbent of Number 10 being pulled in numerous directions to keep their colleagues on side.
We take a look at the current factions in the party and what they want from Rishi Sunak.
New Conservatives
The newest kids on the block, this group is made up of 25 Tory backbenchers predominantly from so-called “Red Wall” seats that the party won from Labour in recent elections.
All of the members only entered parliament after 2016 – since the Brexit referendum took place – and say they are determined to focus the party on delivering on the 2019 manifesto, where Boris Johnson won a significant majority on his promises to “get Brexit done” and “level up” the country.
But one of its missions is to develop ideas for the upcoming manifesto, so you can expect to hear more from them.
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Its co-chairs are MPs Miriam Cates and Danny Kruger.
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1:37
Who are the New Conservatives?
Northern Research Group
Perhaps the precursor to the New Conservatives, this faction was also born from the 2019 election victories in the Red Wall, promising to focus on the interests of the towns and cities that make up the Tories’ “Northern Powerhouse”.
With around 55 MPs from the north of England, Scottish borders and North Wales – led by the now-former chairman of the party, Sir Jake Berry – the group has expanded its remit somewhat, speaking out against COVID lockdowns and business taxes, as well as pushing for its core goals around devolution, transport and investment.
It also holds a conference every year, attracting senior members of government to speak and attempt to keep the powerful bloc onside.
Image: Sir Jake Berry served as party chairman under Liz Truss
Net Zero Scrutiny Group/Conservative Environment Network
Climate policies have been a central bone of contention for Tory MPs in recent months – especially after the party managed to cling onto Mr Johnson’s former seat of Uxbridge and South Ruislip in a by-election by focusing on residents’ anger of the expansion of London’s Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ).
The victory saw a number of the party’s green policies brought into question, with Mr Sunak pledging to only roll them out in a “proportionate and pragmatic way” and watering down a number of promises.
But the legal obligation to hit net zero by 2050 – a law brought in by the Conservatives – has long caused rows, with two groups being formed to represent both sides of the argument.
Image: Chris Skidmore (L) and Craig Mackinlay (R) chair opposing groups when it comes to net zero
The Net Zero Scrutiny Group insists it is not climate sceptic, but instead says government policies have gone too far, too fast, contributing to the cost of living crisis.
The group of 50 or so MPs and peers – led by former UKIP deputy leader Craig Mackinlay – wants green levies to be scrapped, saying they are hitting the poorest the hardest, and wants the government to ramp up fossil fuel production at home.
On the other hand, there is the Conservative Environment Network (CEN), which claims to have over 130 MPs and peers backing its mission to “champion greater environmental action in parliament”.
They say Conservative voters don’t want to see a row about whether net zero is worth it or not, but a debate on the right policies to achieve it.
A smaller faction echoing the sentiments of the CEN is led by Tory MP Chris Skidmore and is known as the Net Zero Support Group, which aims to “demonstrate and maintain Conservative support for net zero carbon emissions and policies needed to deliver this”.
Another hot topic within Conservative ranks is the best way to approach China, and this group was set up to amplify that debate.
It was co-founded and chaired by the now security minister Tom Tugendhat – an outspoken critic of the country, who has highlighted the dangers of its technological influence, its human rights record, and its ongoing sanctioning of UK politicians.
While its former chair now finds himself on the frontbench, the voices calling for tougher action on Beijing are growing and questioning the current administration’s desire to engage with China, rather than calling it out for being a threat.
Foreign Affairs Committee chair Alicia Kearns now leads the group.
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1:16
‘Your backbenchers pulled you back’
Common Sense Group
This collective of around 50 MPs and peers says it “stands for authentic conservatism”, with many of the issues they focus on falling squarely into the culture wars category.
From slamming the National Trust for publicising Winston Churchill’s family links to slavery, to attacking Black Lives Matter and Extinction Rebellion as “subversives fuelled by ignorance”, the group – led by veteran backbencher Sir John Hayes – calls on the government to “reflect the will of the people, rather than pandering to the peculiar preoccupations of the liberal elite and the distorted priorities of left-wing activists”.
They have published their own set of essays to highlight their concerns, with titles including, “The judicial activists threatening our democracy”, “Taking politics out of policing”, and “The case for strengthening families”.
Image: Sir John Hayes leads the group that focuses on culture war issues
Conservative Growth Group
This faction came to life after the short-lived premiership of Liz Truss, who was ousted from Number 10 after just 49 days following her disastrous mini-budget.
But while the party may have pushed for her undoing, her approach to tearing up the “economic orthodoxy” of the Treasury still garners the support of a number of backbenchers – especially those who enjoyed equally short-lived ministerial careers while she was in office.
There are only thought to be around 20 members in the group, including Ms Truss herself, but they are pushing for popular policies in the party, such as tax cuts and deregulation, as the best way for growing the British economy.
It is chaired by Ranil Jayawardena, who was environment secretary when Ms Truss was prime minister.
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0:50
Truss ‘tried to fatten and slaughter the pig’
Conservative Democratic Organisation
This is another group formed after Ms Truss’ exit, but with fierce loyalty to her predecessor, Mr Johnson.
The CDO were furious with how Mr Sunak had been chosen as the new leader – without a vote of the membership – calling it “undemocratic”, and promised to “take back control” of the party with its grassroots movement.
But it is not just leadership elections it wants to influence. The organisation hopes to “steer [the Tories’] political direction back to the centre-right”, with specific calls for tax cuts and attacks on the current PM for failing to provide them.
Key figures include billionaire Conservative donor Lord Cruddas, the party’s former treasurer, and key Johnson ally and former home secretary Priti Patel.
They have already held a conference, with other Johnson backers like Nadine Dorries and Jacob Rees-Mogg attending to give speeches.
Image: Priti Patel is one of the members spearheading the group
European Research Group
A gang of Tory MPs who became household names during Brexit, the ERG may not dominate the headlines anymore, but they still hold a powerful position within the party.
The Eurosceptic group is currently chaired by Mark Francois, but saw many of its members promoted to ministerial positions after Boris Johnson came to power – including Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg, Suella Braverman and Steve Baker.
Its last appearance in the headlines came during Mr Sunak’s negotiations on the Windsor Framework – a renegotiated post-Brexit plan aiming to tackle the impact of leaving the EU on Northern Ireland – where they called key elements of the deal “practically useless”.
But with an election looming, and issues around cooperation with Europe already getting a lot of focus, the group could come to prominence again.
Image: Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg used to chair the ERG before he was made a minister by Boris Johnson
Tory Reform Group
In stark contrast to the ERG, this group – established back in 1975 – promotes the One Nation Conservative ideology, a more centrist approach to both the economy and social policy.
Despite dominating the party during the David Cameron years, many of the One Nation group fell out of favour during the tumultuous Brexit debate due to their support for Remain, with Mr Johnson kicking a number of them out of the party for failing to back his exit plans.
But while they may have been in the shadows in recent years, there are still 100 members in parliament – with some former figures, such as Alex Chalk and Gillian Keegan, making it onto the frontbench – and they are starting to peek out above the parapet again.
Image: Before Brexit, One Nation Tories were an influential force in the party – especially under David Cameron and George Osborne
Recent issues being raised have included a call to focus on policies for winning back younger voters – such as rental reform and childcare – and appealing against leaving the European Convention on Human Rights.
And much like the ERG, these voices could become louder as the election campaign intensifies.
One party has held court over Welsh politics for more than a century.
Welsh Labour MPs have been the largest group sent to Westminster in every general election since 1922 – and the party has been in government in the country for more than a quarter of a century.
But if the polls are accurate, Labour’s long-standing grip on politics in Wales is fading.
Plaid Cymru and Reform UK are running almost neck and neck, while Labour trails significantly. A recent YouGov poll put Plaid Cymru on 30%, Reform UK on 29% and Labour at 14%.
Plaid Cymru, heading into its conference this weekend, can sense the mood for change in Wales – and intends to show it is ready for government.
Image: Polling last month put Plaid Cymru and Reform UK almost neck and neck in Wales, with just one point between them – while Labour trails
The party hopes to capitalise on disillusioned Labour voters feeling let down by their party under Sir Keir Starmer, and use this to tackle the rise of Reform – which is key to getting it into power.
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In his leader’s speech, Rhun ap Iorwerth is expected to position Plaid Cymru as Wales’s progressive force, and the only party capable of taking on Reform.
He will say: “We’re not here to act as Labour’s conscience. We are not here to repair Labour. We are here to replace them.
“If you’ve never voted for Plaid Cymru before, the time is now.
“The time is now to stop Reform and elect a government more radical, more ambitious, more impatient to bring about positive change than any which has gone before it. A government of progress and of progressive values.”
One in five Labour voters in Wales intend to back Plaid Cymru at the Senedd elections in 2026, according to YouGov. But almost a quarter of Labour voters remain undecided on who to endorse.
The topic of independence will no doubt be a contentious issue for voters who are angry about decisions made by Labour in Wales and Westminster, but do not want an independent Wales.
Image: Plaid Cymru supporters outside the Senedd on 8 October
Mr ap Iorwerth has ruled out an independence referendum if Plaid Cymru wins next year’s elections, signalling that he doesn’t want the campaign to centre on independence.
Throughout the conference, Plaid Cymru will position itself as ready to govern. But voters will expect clear plans for the NHS, education, and the economy. The question for the party, both during this conference and over the coming months, will be whether its proposals can win over Labour voters in its quest to beat Reform.
But Plaid Cymru’s challenge to Nigel Farage’s party faces a critical test sooner than May. Instead, its next battle will be in the Caerphilly Senedd by-election on 23 October.
Historically a Labour stronghold at both Senedd and Westminster levels, Caerphilly has consistently returned Labour representatives, with Plaid Cymru as the main opposition at Senedd elections.
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1:37
Farage’s coal pledge in Wales explained
However, this election introduces a new dynamic, as Reform has emerged as a credible challenger, poised to disrupt the traditional two-party contest.
Coming second at this election won’t be a total loss for Plaid Cymru.
If it can come second at the by-election, it will prove the point Mr ap Iorwerth will be making at the conference in Swansea: that his party is the only credible anti-Reform vote.
The full list of candidates standing at the Caerphilly by-election:
One metric for the rise and fall of this government might end up being the progress of the rollout of digital ID.
The lack of a clear plan – despite the high profile announcement by the PM – means the destination still remains slightly opaque, and some cabinet ministers are sceptical.
However, the PM’s India trip suggests that there might just be a path to success, if things fall in Keir Starmer’s favour.
During his visit, Starmer met the boss of Infosys, Nandan Nilekani, who is behind the rollout of digital ID to more than 1.4 billion Indian citizens.
Afterwards, when I asked about it at the closing press conference of the India trip, he was infused by a fresh enthusiasm for the plan, not evident at the Labour gathering in Liverpool in the days after he first unveiled it.
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3:58
Digital ID cards for everyone?
Below is what he said to me, transcribed in full.
But as you read it, notice how the PM’s explanation and justification for this scheme – which will be one of the biggest projects this government undertakes if it does happen – centres around convenience for citizens and makes no mention of the case originally used for it – to combat illegal migration.
Starmer told me: “We did discuss [digital ID] yesterday. And in particular, the benefits that it has brought in India.
“We’ve obviously also looked at other countries – Estonia, for example. The speed with which it allows citizens here to access services, particularly financial services, is something that was recognised in our discussions yesterday and actually at the fintech discussion that we had today, as well.
“So, we’re looking at those examples of how digital ID helps individuals, with the processes that sometimes take too long and are too cumbersome, and makes it easier for them.”
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3:02
Who opposes BritCard?
The answer is clear: the prime minister now puts personal convenience as the top justification.
While Starmer was locked in the Fintech summit, we visited Mumbai University to gauge opinion on digital ID, which has rolled out across India over the past 10 to 15 years.
We asked students as they could traditionally have been thought to be one of the more cautious groups in society towards a project which involves state intrusion into the lives of individuals.
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0:51
Sky’s Sam Coates reports from India
Among all the people that we talked to – and you can watch our video at the top of this page – there was a recognition of privacy concerns, worries about data leaks, and uncertainty about how some of the information might be used.
But every single person we stopped and talked to about it was nevertheless enthusiastically in favour – and said it had made their lives simpler and more efficient.
The net benefits of this scheme had landed with the Indian citizens we spoke to.
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2:34
Is this the end of digital privacy for UK citizens, or a tech solution to illegal immigration?
The engagement from Infosys is also significant after the boss of Palantir, a rival tech company, gave the idea of a UK digital ID scheme a comprehensive shellacking last week.
For a moment, it looked like the corporate world might be pulling back from the scheme – so the engagement of a massive multinational corporation has come at just the right moment.
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1:44
Who is going to implement Labour’s new policy on digital ID cards?
In a bizarre move, the Home Office appears to have been allowed to swerve responsibility for the project, which has gone instead to Liz Kendall’s Department of Science, Innovation and Technology (DSIT), which does not yet have any track record of major delivery.
One DSIT aide said that the young average age of staff at the newly formed department is an advantage, a claim which seems somewhat doubtful.
So, Whitehall may tie itself up in knots over this project. Or, it might turn out that India’s cultural norms simply make it an easier place to roll out a scheme like this.
But on the basis of our enquiries, there is the potential case for a scheme that can be sold to a willing public.
Democrat Senators have been slammed for pitching a counter-proposal that seeks to give the Treasury Department authority to place risky DeFi protocols on a “restricted list.”