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A crucial new phase in the political struggle over abortion rights is unfolding in suburban neighborhoods across Virginia.

An array of closely divided suburban and exurban districts around the state will decide which party controls the Virginia state legislature after next months election, and whether Republicans here succeed in an ambitious attempt to reframe the politics of abortion rights that could reverberate across the nation.

After the Supreme Court overturned the nationwide right to abortion in 2022, the issue played a central role in blunting the widely anticipated Republican red wave in last Novembers midterm elections. Republican governors and legislators who passed abortion restrictions in GOP-leaning states such as Florida, Texas, Ohio, and Iowa did not face any meaningful backlash from voters, as Ive written. But plans to retrench abortion rights did prove a huge hurdle last year for Republican candidates who lost gubernatorial and Senate races in Democratic-leaning and swing states such as Colorado, Washington, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Arizona.

Now Virginia Republicans, led by Governor Glenn Youngkin, are attempting to formulate a position that they believe will prove more palatable to voters outside the red heartland. In the current legislative session, Youngkin and the Republicans, who hold a narrow majority in the state House of Delegates, attempted to pass a 15-week limit on legal abortion, with exceptions thereafter for rape, incest, and threats to the life of the mother. But they were blocked by Democrats, who hold a slim majority in the state Senate.

Read: Abortion is inflaming the GOPs biggest electoral problem

With every seat in both chambers on the ballot in November, Youngkin and the Republicans have made clear that if they win unified control of the legislature, they will move to impose that 15-week limit. Currently, abortion in Virginia is legal through the second trimester of pregnancy, which is about 26 weeks; it is the only southern state that has not rolled back abortion rights since last years Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade.

Virginia Republicans maintain that the 15-week limit, with exceptions, represents a consensus position that most voters will accept, even in a state that has steadily trended toward Democrats in federal races over the past two decades. (President Joe Biden carried the state over Donald Trump by about 450,000 votes.) When you talk about 15 weeks with exceptions, it is seen as very reasonable, Zack Roday, the director of the Republican coordinated campaign effort, told me.

If Youngkin and the GOP win control of both legislative chambers next month behind that message, other Republicans outside the core red states are virtually certain to adopt their approach to abortion. Success for the Virginia GOP could also encourage the national Republican Party to coalesce behind a 15-week federal ban with exceptions.

Candidates across this country should take note of how Republicans in Virginia are leading on the issue of life by going on offense and exposing the lefts radical abortion agenda, Kelsey Pritchard, the director of state public affairs at the anti-abortion group Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, told me in an email.

But if Republicans fail to win unified control in Virginia, it could signal that almost any proposal to retrench abortion rights faces intractable resistance in states beyond the red heartland. I think what Youngkin is trying to sell is going to be rejected by voters, Ryan Stitzlein, the vice president of political and government relations at the advocacy group Reproductive Freedom for All, told me. There is no such thing as a consensus ban. Its a nonsensical phrase. The fact of the matter is, Virginians do not want an abortion ban.

These dynamics were all on display when the Democratic legislative candidates Joel Griffin and Joshua Cole spent one morning last weekend canvassing for votes. Griffin is the Democratic nominee for the Virginia state Senate and Cole is the nominee for the state House of Delegates, in overlapping districts centered on Fredericksburg, a small, picturesque city about an hour south of Washington, D.C. They devoted a few hours to knocking on doors together in the Clearview Heights neighborhood, just outside the city, walking up long driveways and chatting with homeowners out working in their yards.

Their message focused on one issue above all: preserving legal access to abortion. Earlier that morning, Griffin had summarized their case to about two dozen volunteers whod gathered at a local campaign office to join the canvassing effort. Make no mistake, he told them. Your rights are on the ballot.

The districts where Griffin, a business owner and former Marine, and Cole, a pastor and former member of the state House of Delegates, are running have become highly contested political ground. Each district comfortably backed Biden in 2020 before flipping to support Youngkin in 2021 and then tilting back to favor Democratic U.S. Representative Abigail Spanberger in the 2022 congressional election.

The zigzagging voting pattern in these districts is typical of the seats that will decide control of the legislature. The University of Virginias Center for Politics calculates that all 10 of the 100 House seats, and all six of the 40 Senate districts, that are considered most competitive voted for Biden in 2020, but that nearly two-thirds of them switched to Youngkin a year later.

These districts are mostly in suburban and exurban areas, especially in Richmond and in Northern Virginia, near D.C., notes Kyle Kondik, the managing editor of the centers political newsletter, Sabatos Crystal Ball. In that way, they are typical of the mostly college-educated suburbs that have steadily trended blue in the Trump era.

Such places have continued to break sharply toward Democrats in other elections this year that revolved around abortion, particularly the Wisconsin State Supreme Court election won by the liberal candidate in a landslide this spring, and an Ohio ballot initiative carried comfortably by abortion-rights forces in August. In special state legislative elections around the country this year, Democrats have also consistently run ahead of Bidens 2020 performance in the same districts.

Theres this idea that Democrats are maybe focusing too much on abortion, but weve got a lot of data and a lot of information from this years elections signaling that the issue remains powerful, Heather Williams, the interim president of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, told me.

Virginia Republicans arent betting only on their reformulated abortion position in this campaign. They are also investing heavily in portraying Democrats as soft on crime, too prone to raise taxes, and hostile to parents rights in shaping their childrens education, the issue that Youngkin stressed most in his 2021 victory. When Tara Durant, Griffins Republican opponent, debated him last month, she also tried to link the Democrat to Bidens policies on immigration and the radical Green New Deal while blaming the president for persistent inflation. What we do not need are Biden Democrats in Virginia right now, insisted Durant, who serves in the House of Delegates.

Griffin has raised other issues too. In the debate, he underscored his support for increasing public-education funding and his opposition to book-banning efforts by a school board in a rural part of the district. Democrats also warn that with unified control of the governorship and state legislature, Republicans will try to roll back the expansions of voting rights and gun-control laws that Democrats passed when they last controlled all three institutions, from 2019 to 2021. A television ad from state Democrats shows images of the January 6 insurrection while a narrator warns, With one more vote in Richmond, MAGA Republicans can take away your rights, your freedoms, your security.

Yet both sides recognize that abortion is most likely to tip the outcome next month. Each side can point to polling that offers encouragemnt for its abortion stance. A Washington Post/Schar School poll earlier this year found that a slim 49 to 46 percent plurality of Virginia voters said they would support a 15-week abortion limit with exceptions. But in that same survey, only 17 percent of state residents said they wanted abortion laws to become more restrictive.

In effect, Republicans believe the key phrase for voters in their proposal will be 15 weeks, whereas Democrats believe that most voters wont hear anything except ban or limit. Some GOP candidates have even run ads explicitly declaring that they dont support an abortion ban, because they would permit the procedure during those first 15 weeks of pregnancy. But Democrats remain confident that voters will view any tightening of current law as a threat.

Part of what makes it so salient [for voters] is Republicans were so close to passing an abortion ban in the last legislative session and they came up just narrowly short, Jesse Ferguson, a Democratic strategist with experience in Virginia elections, told me. Its not a situation like New York in 2022, where people sided with us on abortion but didnt see it as under threat. In Virginia, its clear that that threat exists.

In many ways, the Virginia race will provide an unusually clear gauge of public attitudes about the parties competing abortion agendas. The result wont be colored by gerrymanders that benefit either side: The candidates are running in new districts drawn by a court-appointed special master. And compared with 2021, the political environment in the state appears more level as well. Cole, who lost his state-House seat that year, told me that although voters tangibly wanted something different and new in 2021, I would say were now at a plateau.

The one big imbalance in the playing field is that Youngkin has raised unprecedented sums of money to support the GOP legislative candidates. The governor has leveraged the interest in him potentially entering the presidential race as a late alternative to Trump into enormous contributions to his state political action committee from an array of national GOP donors. That torrent of money is providing Republican candidates with a late tactical advantage, especially because Virginia Democrats are not receiving anything like the national liberal money that flowed into the Wisconsin judicial election this spring.

Beyond his financial help, Youngkin is also an asset for the GOP ticket because multiple polls show that a majority of Virginia voters approve of his job performance. Republicans are confident that under Youngkin, the party has established a lead over Democrats among state voters for handling the economy and crime, while largely neutralizing the traditional Democratic advantage on education. To GOP strategists, Democrats are emphasizing abortion rights so heavily because there is no other issue on which they can persuade voters. Thats the only message the Democrats have, Roday, the GOP strategist, said. They really have run a campaign solely focused on one issue.

Jerusalem Demsas: The abortion policy most Americans want

Yet all of these factors only underscore the stakes for Youngkin, and Republicans nationwide, in the Virginia results. If they cant sell enough Virginia voters on their 15-week abortion limit to win unified control of the legislature, even amid all their other advantages in these races, it would send an ominous signal to the party. A Youngkin failure to capture the legislature would raise serious questions about the GOPs ability to overcome the majority support for abortion rights in the states most likely to decide the 2024 presidential race.

Next months elections will feature other contests around the country where abortion rights are playing a central role, including Democratic Governor Andy Beshears reelection campaign in Kentucky, a state-supreme-court election in Pennsylvania, and an Ohio ballot initiative to rescind the six-week abortion ban that Republicans passed in 2019. But none of those races may influence the parties future strategy on the issue more than the outcome in Virginia.

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The 40 jobs ‘most at risk of AI’ – and 40 it can’t touch

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The 40 jobs 'most at risk of AI' - and 40 it can't touch

AI has stolen £120,000 from Joe Turner.

The 38-year-old writer lost 70% of his clients to chatbots in two years.

His is one of 40 job roles that AI is fast replacing, according to conversations the Money team had with industry experts, researchers, and affected workers.

Read all the latest Money news here

“It’s a betrayal,” says Turner, who earned six figures as a freelancer before the rise of generative AI.

“You’ve put your heart and soul into it for so long, and then you get replaced by a machine.”

He adds: “You always think ‘it’s never going to happen to me’.”

Joe Turner
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Joe Turner

Around 85% of the tasks involved in Turner’s job could be performed by AI, according to research published by Microsoft in July that has gone largely unnoticed.

The tech giant’s analysis of 200,000 conversations with its Co-Pilot chatbot concluded it could complete at least 90% of the work carried out by historians and coders, 80% of salespeople and journalists, and 75% of DJs and data scientists.

Also in the top 40 most exposed jobs were customer service assistants (72%), financial advisers (69%) and product promoters (62%). Search the table below to see how your role fares…

Speaking to the Money team, senior Microsoft researcher Kiran Tomlinson insists the study “explores which job categories can productively use AI chatbots, not take away or replace jobs”.

Turner for one doesn’t buy this. “That’s what they want to market it as,” he says.

Experts we spoke with were just as sceptical of Microsoft’s optimism.

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‘Replaced entirely by the tool’

“If you were to look at these jobs in three to five years, there’s a very good chance they’ve been replaced entirely,” says an AI consultant with more than a decade of experience deploying the tech in nearly 40 companies.

“Except in areas where they are either relationship-driven or very judgmental,” they add, speaking on condition of anonymity due to their commercial relationships with a range of SMEs, multibillion-pound funds and public bodies.

“These types of jobs are by nature most likely to be replaced entirely by the tool,” agrees AI researcher Xinrong Zhu, an assistant professor at Imperial College London.

“We’re living in a world where we’re witnessing a very important turning point.”

Xinrong Zhu
Image:
Xinrong Zhu

It’s a verdict echoing job cuts announced by major companies over the summer.

Buy now, pay later firm Klarna shrunk its headcount by 40% due to investments in AI and a hiring freeze, while boasting its chatbot was doing the work of 700 employees.

Microsoft itself said it was laying off 15,000 employees while investing £69bn in data centres to train AI models and reportedly using AI to save $500m in its call centres.

Amazon chief executive Andy Jassy said he expected to “reduce our total corporate workforce as we get efficiency gains from using AI extensively”.

But don’t take this at face value, says the AI consultant. Just because AI will take jobs doesn’t mean it can right now: “I wouldn’t say AI is in a position that you can then generate layoffs immediately: What you tend to see in most businesses is hiring freezes.”

The UK hasn’t had a sharp decline in postings for the jobs most threatened by AI, but they grew four times slower than the least threatened jobs between 2019 and 2024, according to PwC’s AI jobs barometer.

“AI is being used as an excuse,” the consultant says.

“There’s a load of macroeconomic effects that are actually causing [job cuts].”

It’s the Money blog’s usual suspects: Increases to employer national insurance, the cost of hiring and the cost of energy – not an AI takeover.

But, they say, “that’s not to say it won’t happen next year.”

Some 78% of global businesses anticipate increasing their overall AI spending this fiscal year, a Deloitte survey found.

Approximately 40% of employers expect to reduce their workforce where AI can automate tasks, according to a World Economic Forum survey.

An email that changed everything

Freelancers may, then, be the canary in the coal mine.

Demand for gigs related to writing and coding fell by 21% within eight months of the release of ChatGPT, according to a study conducted last year by Zhu.

“The magnitude really surprised us,” she says.

It wouldn’t have surprised Turner.

A few months earlier, in December 2023, he received an email from a website where he’d worked for a decade.

“Do you ever use AI?” it read. “No,” he replied.

That was the last time he heard from them. Overnight, £30,000 was wiped from his annual income.

“I went on their website and I realised they had started using AI instead of me,” he says.

One by one, most of his other clients followed suit.

“It was just a complete desert,” he says of the job landscape.

If you listen to the heads of some leading AI companies, you’d be forgiven for thinking this desert is just one apocalyptic vista at the end of the working world as we know it.

Dario Amodei, chief executive of Anthropic, has warned AI could “wipe out half of all entry-level white-collar jobs”, while OpenAI boss Sam Altman said entire job categories would be “totally, totally gone”.

“They want to glorify the models,” says Dr Fabian Stephany, a Labour economist at the University of Oxford and fellow at Microsoft’s independent AI Economy Institute.

Impersonating a big tech boss, he continues: “‘Oh wow, look, if we can automate away 50,000 people, then that technology must be really tremendous – so you should be investing in our company!’

“I would advocate to have a bit of more of a cooled down, pragmatic approach.

“Think about it as a technology and look at how technology has been interacting with the labour market in the past.”

Fabian Stephany
Image:
Fabian Stephany

Inventions that revolutionised the workplace

Take Richard Arkwright’s invention of the Spinning Jenny in 1769, which churned out huge quantities of yarn to make cloth in some of the first factories at the start of the industrial revolution.

While putting home weavers out of a job, it increased the need for mill workers hundreds of times over, says Stephany.

Henry Ford’s invention of the assembly line in 1913 had a similar impact when it reduced the time taken to make a car from 12.5 hours to 1.5 hours.

Speed lowered production costs and forecourt prices, increasing demand, sales and the number of staff hired to fulfil them.

For the same reason, the invention of the ATM in 1967 led to more bank teller jobs despite automating one of their key functions – something Microsoft was keen to point out.

“Our research shows that AI supports many tasks, particularly those involving research, writing and communication, but does not indicate it can fully perform any single occupation,” Microsoft’s Tomlinson says.

Indeed, the study shows 40 jobs where AI can perform just 10% or fewer tasks.

Tradespeople feature heavily, like painter-decorators (4%), cleaners (3%) and roofers (2%).

Surgical assistants (3%), ship engineers (5%) and nursing assistants (7%) also make the list.

But history also includes a list of the losers of technological innovation.

Replacing horses with tractors wiped 3.4 billion man hours from American farmwork annually by 1960, according to research by economic historian Professor Alan Olmstead.

Spare a thought, too, for the pinsetters once responsible for stacking bowling alleys, who were more or less eliminated by the Automatic Pinspotter unveiled in 1946.

Quantity does not mean quality, either: Arkwright’s millers faced exhausting and repetitive 13-hour shifts in extreme noise, heat and dust.

How fulfilling would working with an AI be?

“Sterile and just not interesting, uniform and bleak and surface-level and hollow” is how Turner described its work after trying AI at the request of a client.

“Cars were a solution – a car was a horse that never got tired. But if you look at AI the same way, it’s basically saying: ‘There aren’t enough rubbish books out there, we need to make more.'”

More human work, not less?

That’s not what it’s for, though, says the AI consultant.

“I don’t see an AI right now coming up with wonderful ideas for creative writing authors,” they say.

But what it’s good at is taking an author’s idea and making a first draft extremely quickly, they explain.

“Now, does that mean we have fewer authors or does that mean we have more?”

The consultant’s optimism comes from seeing AI create extra human work at some of the companies that hired them.

A landscaping firm used ChatGPT to generate personalised services to upsell to existing customers.

At a pension provider with 350,000 scheme members, AI saved “literally thousands of hours” by scanning millions of notes, PDF documents and email chains for spousal support agreements.

That might seem like work stolen from a law firm at first glance, but it likely wouldn’t have been undertaken at all without AI due to the extreme cost of manual labour, says the consultant.

The cost of starting a digital business has also shrunk dramatically, he adds, if you use AI to organise a website, workflow, marketing and employment contracts.

“You end up in a world where you could have thousands more small start-ups because the cost of failure is so much lower.”

Pic: iStock
Image:
Pic: iStock

The ‘losers of technological change’

Such a positive attitude would do little to convince veteran audio producer Christian Allen, who has lost gigs worth £7,000 to AI in the past year.

“Hasn’t anyone seen Terminator, for Christ’s sake?” says Allen, 53, whose work over the past two decades has been played on major radio stations like Classic FM and Heart FM.

“I think it could very easily take over.”

AI started by depleting requests for voiceovers in company training videos, but Allen recently lost a potential radio client who instead bought the first AI advert he’s ever heard that’s good enough for broadcast.

“It was scarily good,” says Allen, who lives near Birmingham. “No one would know.”

The cost to the client? £11.99. Voice actors would expect £1,000.

“There’s no way anybody can compete.”

Pic: iStock
Image:
Pic: iStock

Shifting sands forming another job desert?

Not according to Oxford’s Labour economist Fabian Stephany, who was keen to “challenge the dystopian narrative”.

“It is very rare for a new technology to completely replace an entire profession,” says Stephany.

The only exceptions are jobs defined by a single task without any complexity, like bowling alley pinsetters or the translators at the top of Microsoft’s table, he says.

There’s complexity in Allen’s job, like creating video and TV soundtracks and mixing audio, but he’s still nervous.

“The AI subscription can mix for you too, so that’s production houses everywhere – we’re no longer needed. That’s quite scary.”

He adds: “I won’t be doing this in 10 years’ time.”

Microsoft researcher Kiran Tomlinson says AI “may prove to be a useful tool for many occupations” and “the right balance lies in finding how to use the technology in a way that leverages its abilities while complementing human strengths and accounting for people’s preferences”.

Read more:
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Businesses ‘in the dark’ as Google reviews disappear
How AI decides online prices

Alexa, tell me what the government is doing

In January, Sir Keir Starmer said there was “barely an aspect of our society that will remain untouched” by AI in the coming years.

The technology is mentioned at least 126 times in the government’s industrial strategy for the tech sector, focusing heavily on its potential benefits.

Insufficient attention is being paid to its disruption, says Zhu. Why is Microsoft publishing reports on job exposure, but not the government? Where is the guidance on how employers and employees should adapt?

“The government should play some important role here, and they’re not,” she says.

Recalling how laid-off steelworkers were left to fend for themselves in the 20th century, Stephany warns it is “crucial to not make the mistakes of the past again”.

Allen couldn’t agree more: “All jobs under threat of AI need to be protected. Because otherwise, how the hell do people earn money?”

The government says it is putting people “at the heart” of its AI plans.

“That includes partnerships with leading tech firms to help us deliver AI skills training to 7.5 million workers, and initiatives to bring digital skills and AI learning into classrooms and communities,” a spokesperson says.

“This will provide training to people of all ages and backgrounds and is backed by £187m.”

They say “thousands of jobs” will be created by AI Growth Zones, areas earmarked for AI data centres where the state will support big tech companies with access to power and planning.

Keir Starmer announces the TechFirst programme teaching school pupils AI in June. Pic: PA
Image:
Keir Starmer announces the TechFirst programme teaching school pupils AI in June. Pic: PA

What can you do for yourself?

Workers should be concerned if they’re not trying to use AI, says the consultant.

CVs with AI skills have so far been consistently favoured by a group of 2,000 recruiters observed by Fabian Stephany in an ongoing study.

“If a worker is willing to invest in their skill set, in developing their profile, they should not be worried at all,” they say.

Almost half (45%) of global employers consider AI competency to be a core skill, according to the World Economic Forum.

LinkedIn data shows AI-related skills on member profiles rose 65% year-on-year in 2024.

Job postings on Indeed.com containing AI terms have risen by 170% since the end of June 2023 – albeit from a low starting point (1.7% to 4.6% by 31 August).

“If you’re willing to learn skills that allow you to integrate AI into the job that you’re currently doing, you will probably not only be doing fine, but you might actually have a big career boost ahead of you,” Stephany adds.

In a separate study of 10 million job vacancies in the UK, he found jobs asking for AI skills paid 23% more – a salary boost greater than that expected from a master’s degree (20%).

The best starting point is creating a free account with AI chatbots like ChatGPT, Claude or Gemini, says the AI consultant.

“Log into one of them, provide it a pretty detailed description of who you are, what you do day-to-day, both in your job and potentially in your personal life, and ask it how it can help.

“Right now, that can mean that you do your job better, which gets you promoted.”

Or maybe not.

In the past few months, writer Joe Turner has seen some clients make a sheepish return.

“I see an influx of new jobs coming in and people are now requesting no AI content at all,” he says.

Clients have found its hollow tropes and generic mannerisms carry the unmistakable mark of a “soulless machine”.

“It’s called AI, but it’s not artificial intelligence. It’s just a database of words with reasoning models,” he concludes.

“It puts the words in the right order, but at the end of the day, it means nothing.”

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Politics

Corbyn and Sultana have ‘patched things up’ – but what really happened?

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Corbyn and Sultana have 'patched things up' - but what really happened?

For decades he was the dissident backbencher, then unlikely Labour leader. She was a firebrand left-wing Labour MP with a huge online presence. To the left – on paper – it looked like the perfect combination.

Coupled with the support of four other independent MPs, it held the blueprints of a credible party. But ever since the launch of Your Party (working title) the left-wing movement has faced mockery and exasperation over its inability to look organised.

First, we learned Jeremy Corbyn’s team had been unaware of the exact timing of Zarah Sultana’s announcement that she would quit the Labour Party. Then a much bigger row emerged when she launched a membership drive linking people to sign up to the party without the full consent of the team.

It laid bare the holes in the structure of the party and pulled focus away from its core values of trying to be a party to counter Labour and Reform UK, while also drawing out some pretty robust language from their only woman MP calling the grouping a “sexist boys club”. It gave the impression that she was being sidelined by the four other male MPs behind the scenes.

This week, they tried to come together for the first time at a rally I attended in Liverpool and then, in quick succession, another event at The World Transformed conference the day after. But not everyone I spoke to who turned up to see the two heroes of the left found them all that convincing.

Jeremy Corbyn admitted to me that “there were some errors made about announcements and that caused a problem”. He said he was disappointed but that “we’re past that”.

Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana take part in a discussion on Your Party at The World Transformed conference in Manchester. Pic: PA
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Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana take part in a discussion on Your Party at The World Transformed conference in Manchester. Pic: PA

Zarah Sultana said they were like Liam and Noel, who managed to “patch things up and have a very successful tour – we are doing the same”.

The problem is, it didn’t really explain what happened, or how they resolved things behind the scenes, and for some, it might have done too much damage already.

Layla signed up as a member when she first saw the link. It was the moment she had been waiting for after becoming frustrated with Labour. But she told me she found the ordeal “very unprofessional, very dishonest and messy”, and said she doesn’t want to be in a disorganised party and has lost trust in where her money will end up. She’s now thinking about the Greens. She said their leader, Zack Polanski “seemed like such a strong politician” with “a lot of charisma”.

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Jeremy Corbyn’s back – with Zarah Sultana and a new party. But is it a real threat to Labour, or just political theatre?

Since Polanski’s rise to power as leader, the Green Party has surged in popularity. According to a recent poll, they went up four points in just one week (following their conference). Voters, particularly on the left, seem to like his brand of “eco populism”.

While he has politely declined formally working in conjunction with Your Party publicly, he has said the “door is always open” to collaboration especially as he sees common goals between the two parties. Zarah Sultana said this weekend though that the Greens don’t describe themselves as socialists and that they support NATO which she has dubbed an “imperialist war machine”.

While newer coalitions may not be the problem for now, internal fissures might come sooner than they expect. Voters at the rally this weekend came with pretty clear concerns about some of the other independent MPs involved in Your Party.

The two heroes of the left fell out over a row over their party's paid membership system
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The two heroes of the left fell out over a row over their party’s paid membership system

Read more on Sky News:
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Impact of new online safety rules

I asked Ayoub Khan if he considered himself left-wing. A question that would solicit a simple answer in a crowd like this. But he said his view was very simple, that he is interested in fighting for equality, fairness and justice: ‘We all know that different wards, different constituencies have different priorities and MPs should be allowed to represent the views of the communities they serve.” To him, that can sometimes mean voting against the private school tax and against decriminalising abortion.

The Your Party rally on Thursday night was packed, but the tone was subdued. People came full of optimism but they also wanted to make up their mind about the credibility of the new offering and to see the renewed reconciliation up close.

The organisers closed the evening off with John Lennon’s song, Imagine. That was apt, because until the party can get their act together, that’s all they’ll be doing.

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Sports

M’s punch ALCS ticket in 15-inning instant classic

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M's punch ALCS ticket in 15-inning instant classic

SEATTLE — Jorge Polanco hit a game-ending single in the 15th inning, and the Seattle Mariners advanced to the American League Championship Series by outlasting the Detroit Tigers for a 3-2 victory Friday night.

At 4 hours, 58 minutes, it was the longest winner-take-all postseason game in baseball history and featured 15 pitchers — eight for the Mariners and seven for the Tigers.

With one out and the bases loaded, Polanco drove in J.P. Crawford with a liner to right off Tommy Kahnle. Crawford hit a leadoff single, Randy Arozarena was hit by a pitch and Julio Rodriguez was intentionally walked before Polanco’s big swing on the 472nd pitch of an epic Game 5 in a tightly contested division series.

The Mariners left 12 runners on base and still advanced to the ALCS for the first time since 2001. Next up is a matchup with the AL East champion Blue Jays, beginning Sunday night in Toronto.

“We never give up,” Polanco said. “We just keep fighting. It doesn’t matter how many innings we play. We just stay ready and wait for the moment. It’s going to come. It was my time.”

Luis Castillo pitched 1⅓ innings for the win in his first major league relief appearance. Logan Gilbert, another member of Seattle’s rotation, worked two scoreless innings in his first relief outing since his college days at Stetson University in 2017.

“It was such a tough night,” Seattle catcher Cal Raleigh said. “Everyone put their other stuff aside and did everything for the team, including Logan and Luis.”

Detroit wasted a stellar performance by Tarik Skubal, who struck out 13 while pitching six innings of one-run ball. The Tigers went 1-for-9 with runners in scoring position and left 10 on base.

“We had an incredible game today that — unfortunately, somebody had to lose, and that somebody was us, and it hurts,” manager A.J. Hinch said.

Kerry Carpenter put Detroit in front when he hit a two-run homer off Gabe Speier in the sixth inning. Carpenter had four hits and walked twice, becoming the first player to reach five times and hit a home run in a winner-take-all postseason game since Babe Ruth in 1926.

The Mariners tied it at 2 on Leo Rivas‘ pinch-hit single off Tyler Holton in the seventh. Rivas celebrated his 28th birthday with his first postseason hit.

“He was up to the task tonight,” Seattle manager Dan Wilson said. “It was a huge hit.”

Friday’s win was the Mariners’ first series-clinching victory in extra innings since Game 5 of the 1995 ALDS, a 6-5 victory in 11 innings over the Yankees.

The Associated Press and ESPN Research contributed to this report.

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