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A crucial new phase in the political struggle over abortion rights is unfolding in suburban neighborhoods across Virginia.

An array of closely divided suburban and exurban districts around the state will decide which party controls the Virginia state legislature after next months election, and whether Republicans here succeed in an ambitious attempt to reframe the politics of abortion rights that could reverberate across the nation.

After the Supreme Court overturned the nationwide right to abortion in 2022, the issue played a central role in blunting the widely anticipated Republican red wave in last Novembers midterm elections. Republican governors and legislators who passed abortion restrictions in GOP-leaning states such as Florida, Texas, Ohio, and Iowa did not face any meaningful backlash from voters, as Ive written. But plans to retrench abortion rights did prove a huge hurdle last year for Republican candidates who lost gubernatorial and Senate races in Democratic-leaning and swing states such as Colorado, Washington, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Arizona.

Now Virginia Republicans, led by Governor Glenn Youngkin, are attempting to formulate a position that they believe will prove more palatable to voters outside the red heartland. In the current legislative session, Youngkin and the Republicans, who hold a narrow majority in the state House of Delegates, attempted to pass a 15-week limit on legal abortion, with exceptions thereafter for rape, incest, and threats to the life of the mother. But they were blocked by Democrats, who hold a slim majority in the state Senate.

Read: Abortion is inflaming the GOPs biggest electoral problem

With every seat in both chambers on the ballot in November, Youngkin and the Republicans have made clear that if they win unified control of the legislature, they will move to impose that 15-week limit. Currently, abortion in Virginia is legal through the second trimester of pregnancy, which is about 26 weeks; it is the only southern state that has not rolled back abortion rights since last years Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade.

Virginia Republicans maintain that the 15-week limit, with exceptions, represents a consensus position that most voters will accept, even in a state that has steadily trended toward Democrats in federal races over the past two decades. (President Joe Biden carried the state over Donald Trump by about 450,000 votes.) When you talk about 15 weeks with exceptions, it is seen as very reasonable, Zack Roday, the director of the Republican coordinated campaign effort, told me.

If Youngkin and the GOP win control of both legislative chambers next month behind that message, other Republicans outside the core red states are virtually certain to adopt their approach to abortion. Success for the Virginia GOP could also encourage the national Republican Party to coalesce behind a 15-week federal ban with exceptions.

Candidates across this country should take note of how Republicans in Virginia are leading on the issue of life by going on offense and exposing the lefts radical abortion agenda, Kelsey Pritchard, the director of state public affairs at the anti-abortion group Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, told me in an email.

But if Republicans fail to win unified control in Virginia, it could signal that almost any proposal to retrench abortion rights faces intractable resistance in states beyond the red heartland. I think what Youngkin is trying to sell is going to be rejected by voters, Ryan Stitzlein, the vice president of political and government relations at the advocacy group Reproductive Freedom for All, told me. There is no such thing as a consensus ban. Its a nonsensical phrase. The fact of the matter is, Virginians do not want an abortion ban.

These dynamics were all on display when the Democratic legislative candidates Joel Griffin and Joshua Cole spent one morning last weekend canvassing for votes. Griffin is the Democratic nominee for the Virginia state Senate and Cole is the nominee for the state House of Delegates, in overlapping districts centered on Fredericksburg, a small, picturesque city about an hour south of Washington, D.C. They devoted a few hours to knocking on doors together in the Clearview Heights neighborhood, just outside the city, walking up long driveways and chatting with homeowners out working in their yards.

Their message focused on one issue above all: preserving legal access to abortion. Earlier that morning, Griffin had summarized their case to about two dozen volunteers whod gathered at a local campaign office to join the canvassing effort. Make no mistake, he told them. Your rights are on the ballot.

The districts where Griffin, a business owner and former Marine, and Cole, a pastor and former member of the state House of Delegates, are running have become highly contested political ground. Each district comfortably backed Biden in 2020 before flipping to support Youngkin in 2021 and then tilting back to favor Democratic U.S. Representative Abigail Spanberger in the 2022 congressional election.

The zigzagging voting pattern in these districts is typical of the seats that will decide control of the legislature. The University of Virginias Center for Politics calculates that all 10 of the 100 House seats, and all six of the 40 Senate districts, that are considered most competitive voted for Biden in 2020, but that nearly two-thirds of them switched to Youngkin a year later.

These districts are mostly in suburban and exurban areas, especially in Richmond and in Northern Virginia, near D.C., notes Kyle Kondik, the managing editor of the centers political newsletter, Sabatos Crystal Ball. In that way, they are typical of the mostly college-educated suburbs that have steadily trended blue in the Trump era.

Such places have continued to break sharply toward Democrats in other elections this year that revolved around abortion, particularly the Wisconsin State Supreme Court election won by the liberal candidate in a landslide this spring, and an Ohio ballot initiative carried comfortably by abortion-rights forces in August. In special state legislative elections around the country this year, Democrats have also consistently run ahead of Bidens 2020 performance in the same districts.

Theres this idea that Democrats are maybe focusing too much on abortion, but weve got a lot of data and a lot of information from this years elections signaling that the issue remains powerful, Heather Williams, the interim president of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, told me.

Virginia Republicans arent betting only on their reformulated abortion position in this campaign. They are also investing heavily in portraying Democrats as soft on crime, too prone to raise taxes, and hostile to parents rights in shaping their childrens education, the issue that Youngkin stressed most in his 2021 victory. When Tara Durant, Griffins Republican opponent, debated him last month, she also tried to link the Democrat to Bidens policies on immigration and the radical Green New Deal while blaming the president for persistent inflation. What we do not need are Biden Democrats in Virginia right now, insisted Durant, who serves in the House of Delegates.

Griffin has raised other issues too. In the debate, he underscored his support for increasing public-education funding and his opposition to book-banning efforts by a school board in a rural part of the district. Democrats also warn that with unified control of the governorship and state legislature, Republicans will try to roll back the expansions of voting rights and gun-control laws that Democrats passed when they last controlled all three institutions, from 2019 to 2021. A television ad from state Democrats shows images of the January 6 insurrection while a narrator warns, With one more vote in Richmond, MAGA Republicans can take away your rights, your freedoms, your security.

Yet both sides recognize that abortion is most likely to tip the outcome next month. Each side can point to polling that offers encouragemnt for its abortion stance. A Washington Post/Schar School poll earlier this year found that a slim 49 to 46 percent plurality of Virginia voters said they would support a 15-week abortion limit with exceptions. But in that same survey, only 17 percent of state residents said they wanted abortion laws to become more restrictive.

In effect, Republicans believe the key phrase for voters in their proposal will be 15 weeks, whereas Democrats believe that most voters wont hear anything except ban or limit. Some GOP candidates have even run ads explicitly declaring that they dont support an abortion ban, because they would permit the procedure during those first 15 weeks of pregnancy. But Democrats remain confident that voters will view any tightening of current law as a threat.

Part of what makes it so salient [for voters] is Republicans were so close to passing an abortion ban in the last legislative session and they came up just narrowly short, Jesse Ferguson, a Democratic strategist with experience in Virginia elections, told me. Its not a situation like New York in 2022, where people sided with us on abortion but didnt see it as under threat. In Virginia, its clear that that threat exists.

In many ways, the Virginia race will provide an unusually clear gauge of public attitudes about the parties competing abortion agendas. The result wont be colored by gerrymanders that benefit either side: The candidates are running in new districts drawn by a court-appointed special master. And compared with 2021, the political environment in the state appears more level as well. Cole, who lost his state-House seat that year, told me that although voters tangibly wanted something different and new in 2021, I would say were now at a plateau.

The one big imbalance in the playing field is that Youngkin has raised unprecedented sums of money to support the GOP legislative candidates. The governor has leveraged the interest in him potentially entering the presidential race as a late alternative to Trump into enormous contributions to his state political action committee from an array of national GOP donors. That torrent of money is providing Republican candidates with a late tactical advantage, especially because Virginia Democrats are not receiving anything like the national liberal money that flowed into the Wisconsin judicial election this spring.

Beyond his financial help, Youngkin is also an asset for the GOP ticket because multiple polls show that a majority of Virginia voters approve of his job performance. Republicans are confident that under Youngkin, the party has established a lead over Democrats among state voters for handling the economy and crime, while largely neutralizing the traditional Democratic advantage on education. To GOP strategists, Democrats are emphasizing abortion rights so heavily because there is no other issue on which they can persuade voters. Thats the only message the Democrats have, Roday, the GOP strategist, said. They really have run a campaign solely focused on one issue.

Jerusalem Demsas: The abortion policy most Americans want

Yet all of these factors only underscore the stakes for Youngkin, and Republicans nationwide, in the Virginia results. If they cant sell enough Virginia voters on their 15-week abortion limit to win unified control of the legislature, even amid all their other advantages in these races, it would send an ominous signal to the party. A Youngkin failure to capture the legislature would raise serious questions about the GOPs ability to overcome the majority support for abortion rights in the states most likely to decide the 2024 presidential race.

Next months elections will feature other contests around the country where abortion rights are playing a central role, including Democratic Governor Andy Beshears reelection campaign in Kentucky, a state-supreme-court election in Pennsylvania, and an Ohio ballot initiative to rescind the six-week abortion ban that Republicans passed in 2019. But none of those races may influence the parties future strategy on the issue more than the outcome in Virginia.

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Facewatch: The controversial tech that retailers have deployed to tackle shoplifting and violence

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Facewatch: The controversial tech that retailers have deployed to tackle shoplifting and violence

The Christmas period is upon us, and goods are flying off the shelves, but for some reason, the tills are not ringing as loudly as they should be.

Across the country, the five-finger discount is being used with such frequency that retailers are taking action into their own hands.

With concerns about the police response to shoplifting, many are now resorting to controversial facial recognition technology to catch culprits before they strike.

Sainsbury’s, Asda, Budgens and Sports Direct are among the high-street businesses that have signed up to Facewatch, a cloud-based facial recognition security system that scans faces as they enter a store. Those images are then compared to a database of known offenders and, if a match is found, an alert is set off to warn the business that a shoplifter has entered the premises.

It comes as official figures show shoplifting offences rose by 13% in the year to June, reaching almost 530,000 incidents. Figures reported in August showed more than 80% result in no charge.

At the same time, retailers are reporting more than 2,000 cases of violence or abuse against their staff every day. Faced with mounting losses and safety concerns, businesses say they are being forced to take security into their own hands because stretched police forces are only able to respond to a fraction of incidents.

A Facewatch camera
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A Facewatch camera

At Ruxley Manor Garden Centre in south London, managing director James Evans said theft had become increasingly brazen and organised, with losses from shoplifting now accounting for around 1.5% of turnover. “That may sound small, but it represents a significant hit to the bottom line,” he said, pointing out that thousands of pounds’ worth of goods can be stolen in a single visit.

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“We have had instances where the children get sent in to do it. They know that the parents will be waiting in the car park and they’ll know that there’s nothing that we can do to stop them.”

Gurpreet Narwan is seen at the garden centre while being shown how Facewatch works
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Gurpreet Narwan is seen at the garden centre while being shown how Facewatch works

Staff members here have also had their fair share of run-ins with shoplifters. In one case, employees trying to stop a suspected shoplifter were nearly struck by an accomplice in a car. “This is no longer just about stock loss,” said James, “It is about the safety of our staff.”

However, the technology is not without its critics. Civil liberties groups have warned that the expansion of this type of technology is eroding our privacy.

Silkie Carlo, director of Big Brother Watch, called it “a very dangerous kind of privatised policing industry”.

Facewatch is seen in operation as retailers look to crack down on crime.
Image:
Facewatch is seen in operation as retailers look to crack down on crime.

“[It] really threatens fairness and justice for us all, because now it’s the case that just going to do your supermarket shopping, a company is quietly taking your very sensitive biometric data. That’s data that’s as sensitive as your passport, and [it’s] making a judgement about whether you’re a criminal or not.”

Silkie said the organisation was routinely receiving messages from people who said they had been mistakenly targeted. They include Rennea Nelson, who was wrongly flagged as a shoplifter at a B&M store after being mistakenly added to the facial recognition database. Nelson said she was threatened with police action and warned that her immigration status could be at risk.

Gurpreet's profile can be seen on the Facewatch database
Image:
Gurpreet’s profile can be seen on the Facewatch database

“He said to me, if you don’t get out, I’m going to call the police. So at that point I turned around and I was like, are you speaking to me? Then he was like yes, yes, your face set off the alarm because you’re a thief… At that point, I was around six to seven months pregnant and I was having a high-risk pregnancy. I was already going through a lot of anxiety and, so him coming over and shouting at me, it was like really triggering me.”

The retailer later acknowledged the error and apologised, describing it as a rare case of human mistake.

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A spokesperson for B&M said: ‘This was a simple case of human error, and we sincerely apologise to Ms Nelson for any upset caused. Reported incidents like this are rare. Facewatch services are designed to operate strictly in compliance with UK GDPR and to help protect store colleagues from incidents of aggressive shoplifting.”

The cloud-based technology has critics who argue that it amounts to a misuse of personal data and privacy
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The cloud-based technology has critics who argue that it amounts to a misuse of personal data and privacy

Nick Fisher, chief executive of Facewatch, said the backlash was disproportionate.

“Well, I think it’s designed to be quite alarmist, using language like ‘dystopian’, ‘orwellian’, ‘turning people into barcodes’,” he said.

“The inference of that is that we will identify people using biometric technology, hold and store their own, store their data. And that’s just, quite frankly, misleading. We only store and retain data of known repeat offenders, of which it’s been deemed to be proportionate and responsible to do so… I think in the world that we are currently operating in, as long as the technology is used and managed in a responsible, proportionate way, I can only see it being a force for good.”


Rogue retailers exposed in shoplifting crackdown

Yet, there is obviously widespread unease, if not anger, at the proliferation of this technology. Businesses are obviously alert to it, but the bottom line is calling.

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For Ole Miss, a gratifying 1st CFP win without Kiffin

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For Ole Miss, a gratifying 1st CFP win without Kiffin

OXFORD, Miss. — After leading No. 6 Ole Miss to a 41-10 rout of No. 11 Tulane in a CFP first-round game on Saturday, new Rebels coach Pete Golding walked off the field with his name being chanted by fans at Vaught-Hemingway Stadium.

Golding, who won his first game as a head coach in the Rebels’ first-ever CFP game, raised his fist in victory and threw his visor into the stands. Then he hugged Ole Miss athletics director Keith Carter, who entrusted him with the program after former coach Lane Kiffin left for LSU on Nov. 30.

Golding, the Rebels’ 41-year-old defensive coordinator until Kiffin abruptly left, passed his first test against the Green Wave, which qualified for the CFP as the highest-rated champion from a Group of Five conference.

Ole Miss won 12 games in a season for the first time in its history.

“To finally be the last voice, it kind of hit me some,” Golding said. “And then just more excited for the players, how they responded. Some of those hugs will get you a little bit, you know?”

The Rebels’ next test, against No. 3 Georgia in a CFP quarterfinal at the Allstate Sugar Bowl in New Orleans on New Year’s Day (8 p.m. ET, ESPN), figures to be much more difficult.

The Bulldogs defeated the Rebels 43-35 in Athens, Georgia, on Oct. 18, handing them their only loss of the season.

The start against Tulane couldn’t have gone better. After taking the opening kickoff, the Rebels needed only three plays to drive 75 yards for a touchdown in 59 seconds. Quarterback Trinidad Chambliss threw a 30-yard pass to De’Zhaun Stribling and a 25-yarder to tight end Dae’Quan Wright, then tailback Kewan Lacy ran 20 yards up the middle for a touchdown to make it 7-0.

It was the longest streak of plays of 20 yards or longer to start a game by any FBS team in the past 20 seasons, according to ESPN Research. It was the fastest touchdown in a CFP game.

Tulane picked up three first downs and reached the Ole Miss 23 on its first possession. But cornerback Jaylon Braxton intercepted Jake Retzlaff‘s pass to Tre Shackelford at the 10.

Ole Miss took over at its 40 following Braxton’s 15-yard return and a face-mask penalty against the Green Wave. Lacy gained 30 yards up the middle on first down, and Chambliss threw a 26-yard pass to Deuce Alexander. Two plays later, Chambliss ran 4 yards into the end zone on a designed keeper to give the Rebels a 14-0 lead with 7:26 left in the first quarter.

The Rebels’ rout was on, and so was Golding’s coming-out party in front of 68,251 fans, the largest crowd in Ole Miss history.

It was an all-too-familiar sight for Tulane, which lost 45-10 at Ole Miss on Sept. 20.

“We looked a little slow on the perimeter, kind of similar to the first time we played this bunch,” Green Wave coach Jon Sumrall said. “They’re very talented. Hats off to them. They made plays. We didn’t make plays. Some of that was because of them, some of that was we didn’t do a very good job. But yes, the first two drives, it’s like you blink and you look up and it’s 14-0.”

Golding said he wasn’t surprised that his team came out so focused following the circus that surrounded Kiffin’s departure at the end of the regular season.

“I don’t think it was very hard at all because, I mean, it’d be one thing, no disrespect, if this was the Pop-Tart Bowl or something like that,” Golding said. “That s— would have been really hard. This is the playoffs. People start talking about are they going to play or are they not going to play? What are we talking about?”

The Rebels’ only scare against the Green Wave came late in the first half when both of their best players — Lacy and Chambliss — were injured on the same drive. Lacy, who has run for 1,366 yards with a school-record 21 rushing touchdowns, injured his left shoulder on a 7-yard catch.

Three plays later, Chambliss scrambled for an 11-yard run and was hurt while being tackled.

Backup quarterback Austin Simmons, who opened the season as the team’s starter before spraining his ankle, took over and finished the half.

Chambliss and Lacy came back to play in the second half, but Lacy went to the locker room in the fourth quarter. Golding said Lacy, who ran 15 times for 87 yards with one touchdown, had a bruised left shoulder.

“Yeah, he banged his shoulder up,” Golding said. “Obviously, he came back in the game and fought through that. We’ll address it here going forward, but he went back in the game and it’s a bruised shoulder.”

Chambliss completed 23 of 29 passes for 282 yards with one touchdown and ran six times for 36 yards with two scores. He is the fifth player to throw a touchdown and run for multiple scores in a CFP game.

The Rebels had 497 total yards, including 151 rushing.

Offensive coordinator Charlie Weis Jr. returned to coach the Rebels in the CFP, along with tight ends coach Joe Cox and receivers coach George McDonald. They’ll join Kiffin at LSU once the Rebels’ CFP run ends.

“I had zero concern with Charlie Weis calling this team, for this one reason: Charlie Weis cannot afford not to call a hell of a game,” Golding said. “All he’s heard is, ‘Lane Kiffin’s offense, Lane Kiffin’s offense, Lane Kiffin’s offense.’ So this is just one opportunity for people to realize Charlie Weis calls the offense, just like he’s done all year, and he did a great job tonight.”

It wasn’t the ending Sumrall had hoped for in his final game at Tulane. He was hired as Florida’s new coach on Nov. 30 after Kiffin turned it down.

“[I] told them it doesn’t change how I feel about them,” Sumrall said. “I love this group. Love each guy on that team. This team will walk together forever as champions because we won a conference championship, all right? So while the outcome tonight sucks — I’m not happy with it and there’s nothing about it I feel good about — I still feel good about this football team because we hoisted a championship trophy two weeks ago.”

The loss was emotional for Sumrall because his father, George, died in his sleep Thursday night after battling lengthy health issues; he was 77. Sumrall’s mother, Sandra, attended Saturday’s game.

“Man, it’s been hard, but I loved my dad,” Sumrall said. “I’m a lot of who I am because of how he raised me, and I can smile knowing that I’m going to live a life that’s going to honor my dad. He watched us today. He’s probably got some questions about how we played, just like I do. I just don’t have to hear them tonight from him.

“I’m sure I’ll hear them from my mom, though. But man, it’s been hard.”

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Miami’s defense dominates A&M for first CFP win

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Miami's defense dominates A&M for first CFP win

COLLEGE STATION, Texas — Rueben Bain rolled his eyes, smiled, then held up his cell phone, the lock screen glowing with a photo of Texas A&M offensive lineman Trey Zuhn III. Bain had anticipated the question. He was looking forward to it.

In the run-up to Saturday’s College Football Playoff game between Miami and Texas A&M, Zuhn had delivered the bulletin-board material, when he told reporters he didn’t think Bain “would be a threat that we need to worry about too much.”

Big mistake.

“We don’t take kindly to disrespect,” Bain said. “Some people said some things they shouldn’t have said.”

Bain and the Miami defense were dominant in a 10-3 win over the Aggies, ending a once-promising Texas A&M season and sending the Hurricanes on to the Goodyear Cotton Bowl, where they’ll face off against Ohio State.

Bain finished with five tackles — four for a loss — and three sacks, while also blocking a field goal in the first half.

The rest of the defense followed his lead, racking up nine tackles for loss and creating three takeaways, including a game-sealing interception in the back of the end zone with 24 seconds to play by freshman Bryce Fitzgerald.

In the aftermath, defensive end Akheem Mesidor was running through his rolodex of players who’d stepped up against the Aggies — defensive line, defensive backs, linebackers — then mentioned Fitzgerald.

“Bryce!” Bain and cornerback Keionte Scott both shouted in unison, laughing.

Fitzgerald arrived on campus in June, but quickly made his presence felt, and his role on Miami’s defense has grown as the season progressed. On Saturday, he was a star, intercepting Aggies quarterback Marcel Reed twice. The latter came on a third-and-goal at the 5 after the Aggies had marched down the field in an effort to tie it, but Fitzgerald stepped in front of a pass intended for Melin Ohrstrom and the celebration began.

“He’s a quick study,” Miami coach Mario Cristobal said. “He’s never flinched. He spends every waking minute studying, but when the lights come on, some guys just kind of have ‘it.’ He’s that guy. He just knows what to do and how to do it.”

A year ago, this Miami defense was the fly in the ointment that kept the Hurricanes from the playoff. With future No. 1 NFL draft pick Cam Ward working magic on offense, Miami’s battered secondary created a chain reaction that led to a complete defensive meltdown in the season’s stretch run. Miami lost two of its final three games to fall from No. 4 in the rankings to out of the playoff.

Cristobal responded by making a change at coordinator, bringing in Corey Hetherman — now a Broyles Award finalist — and putting a focus on rebuilding the back end of the defense. Fitzgerald and Scott, along with transfer Xavier Lucas, were keys to the turnaround. With the secondary secure, the defensive front was free to wreak havoc, and Mesidor and Bain did exactly that against the Aggies.

“We sat in the locker room for like 15 minutes [after the game],” Bain said, “just saying how crazy it was for us to win this game in this kind of way.”

Hetherman said the focus for Miami’s defense was actually more about patience and keeping Reed inside the pocket. The A&M quarterback did have a handful of scrambles that extended plays to find open receivers or picked up yards on the ground. But Hetherman said he prioritized showing Reed a host of different coverage schemes to keep him off balance, and eventually that allowed the Miami defensive front to get home.

Miami’s seven sacks against Texas A&M tied for the most by a ‘Canes defense in the last six seasons. And while there’d been concern about how Miami’s offensive line would handle the crowd noise at Kyle Field, where more than 104,000 fans provided a stifling soundtrack, it was actually the Aggies O-line that was flagged for multiple penalties.

“We lost the game of the line of scrimmage, and I think it got worse in the second half,” Aggies coach Mike Elko said. “We just couldn’t keep them off of us. We couldn’t get the run game established. We became one-dimensional. Once we became one-dimensional, they were able to tee off.”

Overall, Miami held the Aggies to just 326 yards of offense and just 89 on the ground — just 50 from A&M’s trio of tailbacks, Le’Veon Moss, Rueben Owens and EJ Smith.

And when Miami’s back was against the wall, the defense was at its best. A&M’s three red-zone trips amounted to just three total points, and when Miami receiver Malachi Toney fumbled near midfield late in the game, the Hurricanes defense followed with a quick three-and-out.

“A year ago, we had a tough time stopping people on defense,” Cristobal said. “This was one of those games where we felt like we were holding good and knocking them back. The confidence that [the defense] brings is off the charts, and they were the difference today.”

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