David Cameron walking up Downing Street to be appointed foreign secretary was the twist no one expected – the character from the end of season one brought back for the finale.
The news eclipsed the departure of Suella Braverman – who pushed the limits of collective responsibility and was blamed by her own colleagues for inflaming protests over the weekend.
You can see the argument that Rishi Sunak is bringing back a “big beast” to bolster his administration as it heads towards a difficult election. David Cameron has long experience in government, pulled off a surprise election victory in 2015 and has clout on the world stage at a time of global instability.
But this also looks like a shift in political direction – a swerve away from right-wing populism associated with the former home secretary and towards a traditional centre-right Toryism.
It has certainly cheered the party’s One Nation MPs, the often-sidelined remaining Cameroons who felt out in the cold during the Boris Johnson years. Damian Green, a leading member of this group, called his appointment a move to the “centre-right”.
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Other MPs in what could be called “blue wall” seats – those facing a challenge from the Liberal Democrats, and broadly not enamoured with Brexit or the Rwanda policy – also welcomed the appointment. Another former minister told me “the grown-ups are back in charge, Cameron is a class act”.
They added that what the home secretary was doing last week in taking on the Met police was “pure populism”. His appointment is likely to reflect concern about shoring up these blue wall seats.
But for that reason, it’s a move likely to infuriate the right of his party and its supporters. It could also raise questions about some of Sunak’s own instincts, given the prime minister has promised to “stop the boats”, has socially conservative views on gender, crime and migration, and still hopes to make his Rwanda scheme a reality.
One of Sunak’s supporters described it as a sign of “professionalism” after an all-too-obvious tug of war within the cabinet. Sunak is now not thought to be at risk of a leadership challenge, with an election on the horizon, and can choose the cabinet he wants after a period of having to placate parts of the party who backed him in the leadership contest.
But the unelected Cameron comes with baggage. Most obviously, there is Brexit – having campaigned for Remain, he brought about our EU exit with all the messy consequences that dogged his successors. Those tensions have eased within the Conservative Party but have by no means disappeared.
Increasing suspicion of him on the right of the party will be his record on China, and the “golden age” he championed – now seen by many in government as a mistake, as China is regarded as presenting a major geo-political challenge for the UK.
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Theresa Villiers, a Brexiteer who served in David Cameron’s cabinet and is a member of the Intelligence and Security Committee, which recently published a highly critical report on the government’s China policy, told me MPs would have questions for him, saying: “I welcome David Cameron’s return. He is hugely talented and has much to offer government.
“The political landscape has changed dramatically since he resigned and MPs will want the assurance that his approach on issues such as Brexit and China will reflect where we are now, not where we were during the Cameron era in Downing Street. I’m sure he will be able to give that reassurance.”
This reshuffle is likely to be the last significant one before the general election. Previous prime ministers facing difficult electoral tests have brought back big beasts from the past – Gordon Brown with Lord Mandelson in 2008, before going on to lose the 2010 election 18 months later.
Sunak used his recent party conference speech to portray himself as the candidate of change – after 30 years of what he called 30 years of broken politics. He’s now relying on a key figure from the past to try and secure his survival.
Climate change, the crisis in the Middle East, the continuing war in Ukraine, combating global poverty.
All of these are critical issues for Britain and beyond; all of them up for discussions at the G20 summit in Rio de Janeiro this week, and all of them very much in limbo as the world awaits the arrival of president-elect Donald Trump to the White House.
Because while US President Joe Biden used Nato, the G7 and the G20, as forums to try to find consensus on some of the most pressing issues facing the West, his successor is likely to take a rather different approach. And that begs the question going into Rio 2024 about what can really be achieved in Mr Biden’s final act before the new show rolls into town.
On the flight over to Rio de Janeiro, our prime minister acted as a leader all too aware of it as he implored fellow leaders to “shore up support for Ukraine” even as the consensus around standing united against Vladimir Putin appears to be fracturing and the Russian president looks emboldened.
“We need to double down on shoring up our support for Ukraine and that’s top of my agenda for the G20,” he told us in the huddle on the plane. “There’s got to be full support for as long as it takes.”
But the election of Mr Trump to the White House is already shifting that narrative, with the incoming president clear he’s going to end the war. His new secretary of state previously voted against pouring more military aid into the embattled country.
Mr Trump has yet to say how he intends to end this war, but allies are already blinking. In recent days, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has spoken with Mr Putin for the first time in two years to the dismay of the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who described the call as “opening Pandora’s Box”.
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Ukraine anger over Putin-Scholz call
Sir Keir for his part says he has “no plans’ to speak to Putin as the 1,000th day of this conflict comes into view. But as unity amongst allies in isolating Mr Putin appears to be fracturing, the Russian leader is emboldened: on Saturday night Moscow launched one of the largest air attacks on Ukraine yet.
All of this is a reminder of the massive implications, be it on trade or global conflicts, that a Trump White House will have, and the world will be watching to see how much ‘Trump proofing’ allies look to embark upon in the coming days in Rio, be that trying to strike up economic ties with countries such as China or offering more practical help for Ukraine.
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Both Sir Keir Starmer and French President Emmanuel Macron want to use this summit to persuade Mr Biden to allow Mr Zelenskyy to fire Storm Shadow missiles deep into Russian territory, having failed to win this argument with the president during their meeting at the White House in mid-September. Starmer has previously said it should be up to Ukraine how it uses weapons supplied by allies, as long as it remains within international law and for the purposes of defence.
“I am going to make shoring up support for Ukraine top of my agenda as we go into the G20,” said Sir Keir when asked about pressing for the use of such weaponry.
“I think it’s important we double down and give Ukraine the support that it needs for as long as it needs it. Obviously, I’m not going to get into discussing capabilities. You wouldn’t expect me to do that.”
But even as allies try to persuade the outgoing president on one issue where consensus is breaking down, the prospect of the newcomer is creating other waves on climate change and taxation too. Argentine President Javier Milei, a close ally of Trump, is threatening to block a joint communique set to be endorsed by G20 leaders over opposition to the taxation of the super-rich, while consensus on climate finance is also struggling to find common ground, according to the Financial Times.
Where the prime minister has found common ground with Mr Trump is on their respective domestic priorities: economic growth and border control.
So you will be hearing a lot from the prime minister over the next couple of days about tie-ups and talks with big economic partners – be that China, Brazil or Indonesia – as Starmer pursues his growth agenda, and tackling small boats, with the government drawing up plans for a series of “Italian-style” deals with several countries in an attempt to stop 1000s of illegal migrants from making the journey to the UK.
Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has struck financial deals with Tunisia and Libya to get them to do more to stop small-boat crossings, with some success and now the UK is in talks with Kurdistan, semi-autonomous region in Iraq, Turkey and Vietnam over “cooperation and security deals” which No 10 hope to sign next year.
The prime minister refused on Sunday to comment on specific deals as he stressed that tackling the small boats crisis would come from a combination of going after the smuggling gangs, trying to “stop people leaving in the first place” and returning illegal migrants where possible.
“I don’t think this is an area where we should just do one thing. We have got to do everything that we can,” he said, stressing that the government had returned 9,400 people since coming into office.
But with the British economy’s rebound from recession slowing down sharply in the third quarter of the year, and small boat crossings already at a record 32,947, the Prime Minister has a hugely difficult task.
Add the incoming Trump presidency into the mix and his challenges are likely to be greater still when it comes to crucial issues from Ukraine to climate change, and global trade. But what Trump has given him at least is greater clarity on what he needs to do to try to buck the political headwinds from the US to the continent, and win another term as a centre left incumbent.