Jeremy Hunt has said there is “no guarantee” deportation flights to Rwanda will take off next year – in an apparent climbdown on the government’s position.
On Wednesday Rishi Sunak said three times the flights would take off by spring, despite the Supreme Court’s ruling that the asylum scheme is unlawful.
However, the chancellor declined to repeat this assurance when repeatedly pressed for a date.
Mr Hunt said: “We are hopeful that because of the solutions that the prime minister announced yesterday we will be able to get flights off to Rwanda next year.
“We can’t guarantee that, we have to pass legislation in the House of Commons and sign a new international treaty with Rwanda.”
Under the current plan, asylum seekers could be sent from Rwanda back to places where they might not be safe.
He said he would be taking the “extraordinary step of introducing emergency legislation”, which will “enable parliament to confirm that with our new treaty, Rwanda is safe”.
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“We will clear the remaining barriers and flights will be heading off in the spring as planned,” he later told journalists during a Q&A.
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Rishi Sunak has said he will introduce emergency legislation to make sure his Rwanda plan is not blocked again.
Immigration minister Robert Jenrick was also unequivocal that flights would take off next year.
Asked on the Politics Hub with Sophy Ridge on Sky News whether flights with asylum seekers are going to take off to Rwanda before the next general election, expected in the spring or autumn of 2024, he said: “Yes. We must do.”
But Mr Hunt was unable to say when the emergency legislation would be passed, let alone the flights.
Pressed whether next year means in time for a general election, he said we “can’t give a precise date as to when those flights will happen”.
Asked how soon the promised emergency legislation could be laid before parliament for those flights to go ahead, he only said “very soon”.
When pushed if that meant before Christmas or early in the new year, he said: “We want to solve this as soon as possible.”
Mr Sunak and many of his Conservative MPs are concerned a failure to “stop the boats” will hit them badly at the next general election – given it is a pledge the prime minister has staked his premiership on.
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The ruling at the Supreme Court yesterday was the latest setback in the delayed scheme, which has already cost £140 million despite no flights taking off since the policy was announced last April due to a series of legal challenges.
The plan would see anyone who arrives in the UK by unauthorised means deported to Rwanda to claim asylum there – not the UK.
The government is working to broker a new legally binding treaty on top of the multi-million pound deal already struck with Kigali after the ruling from the UK’s highest court on Wednesday.
Members of the House of Lords have warned the bill is likely to face opposition and could very well be blocked by the upper chamber.
Former Supreme Court judge Lord Sumption told the BBC the “profoundly discreditable” plan to use a law to declare Rwanda as safe is “constitutionally really quite extraordinary”.
He argued it will “effectively overrule a decision on the facts, on the evidence, by the highest court in the land”.
For centuries an odd tradition lay dormant in our democracy.
A number of nobleman have had the chance to sit in parliament, simply by birthright – 92 seats in the House of Lords are eligible to male heirs in specific families and 88 men have taken these seats and currently sit in the second chamber to vote on legislation.
It is not known exactly when this quirk in our parliamentary system started but Sir Keir Starmer‘s government is trying to end it.
The prime minister has said that the right to sit in the second chamber bestowed at birth is an “indefensible” principle and his government have started the process to end hereditary peers for good.
It will mean that those with hereditary peerages will have to be part of the process that gets them voted out of a job they had previously been entitled to for the rest of their life.
The last of the hereditaries
We meet the Earl of Devon who has one of the oldest hereditary peerages.
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He can trace his family title back to the Saxons, but the right to sit in the House of Lords came much later – he says granted in 1142 for supporting the first female sovereign, Empress Matilda.
He is the 38th Earl of Devon since then and the last to sit in the Lords as a hereditary.
His castle in Devon places him in touch with the community he represents – it is one of the main reasons he feels strongly that he adds value to parliament.
He argues he and his peers bring a certain life experience with them that the political appointees do not.
He says there is a greater regional representation within the UK and he has a deeper understanding of the historical constitutional workings of parliament that comes from passing knowledge from generation to generation.
“I certainly feel that the role that the hereditary peers play in the House of Lords is exemplary,” he says.
He greatly defends the idea of service that he and his peers strive for but he also says there is a social purpose and social value to the hereditary principle as the monarch is the epitome of it.
“I don’t think that Keir Starmer is a republican but it does beg the question of once the hereditaries go is the king next,” he says.
By contrast, Lord Strathclyde has one of the newest hereditary peerages.
He has not only participated fully as a member of the Lords but also served in previous Conservative governments in senior roles.
He believes this latest intervention by the government is a purely political move.
“I think the real reason why the government wants to get rid of them is because most of them are not members of the Labour Party,” he says.
“So it’s a smash and grab raid on the constitution. Get rid of your opponents and allow the prime minister to control who entered the House of Lords.
“I can guarantee you that once this bill is through and becomes law, there will be no further reform of the House of Lords no matter what ministers say.”
It is true that over half of hereditary peers are Conservatives and astonishingly few are Labour – there are only four.
But removing the hereditaries doesn’t change the composition of the Lords all that much.
The Lords is 70% men, which would only drop 3% once these peers are removed, and the percentage of Conservative peers overall in the house only drops by 2% if all the hereditaries leave overnight.
Broader Reform
Reform has been talked about since the 1700s when there was an attempt to cap the size of the swollen chamber now at more than 800 members.
But despite successive governments promising reform, the House has only got larger.
Hereditary peers have long maintained that once the government passes this first stage of reform they will be less motivated by other opportunities to modernise the second chamber.
In 1999, Blair culled the amount of hereditary peerages (having previously promised to get rid of them all).
While 650 departed, a deal was struck for 92 to remain with replacements when these peers died or retired and filled by a bizarre system of byelections, where the only eligible candidates were hereditary peers.
The current leader of the Lords, Baroness Smith, says the elections are a bizarre, almost shameful part of our democracy and compares them to the Dunny-on-the-Wold in Blackadder where there is only one eligible voter in the entire constituency.
While the government’s aim to abolish these peerages has finally stepped up a gear, it is also true that Labour has watered down promises on broader reform in the Lords.
Pre-election, it had floated the idea of abolishing the second chamber altogether.
In the manifesto the party modified that to instead reducing the scale of the Lords through a retirement age, but that was not in the King’s speech and no timeline for those objectives has been given by the government.
Baroness Smith insists these are still commitments and the government is currently looking at how to implement them, though it does seem to be moving at a much slower pace than this first stage of removing the hereditary peers who, it seems, will hang up their ancient robes for good at the end of this parliamentary session.