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Rishi Sunak has dodged questions over whether he will call a general election if he loses a crunch vote on his Rwanda bill – which he insisted was not a vote of confidence in his leadership.

The prime minister repeatedly defended the bill from its critics at a press conference on Thursday as questions mount over whether it will be able to pass in the Commons next week.

Mr Sunak described the bill, which compels UK judges to treat Rwanda as a safe country for asylum seekers, as the “toughest anti-immigration law” that had ever been brought in, adding that he knew it would “upset some people”.

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The prime minister convened the news conference just hours after Robert Jenrick quit his post as immigration minister over the bill, which he said did not go “far enough” and represented a “triumph of hope over experience”.

During the press conference, Mr Sunak was asked by Sky News’ political editor Beth Rigby whether he would call an election if he could not get the bill through parliament.

“You’ve lost control of your party and this has become a confidence issue, not in parliament but in you,” she said.

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“Do you accept that, and will you call an election if you lose these votes?”

Mr Sunak dodged the question and said he wanted to “finish the job”, adding: “I am confident I can get this thing done.”

The government published the long-awaited Safety of Rwanda Bill just a day after Home Secretary James Cleverly visited the country to sign a new treaty aimed at reviving the government’s troubled plan to send asylum seekers there.

In its judgement last month, the UK’s highest court ruled the scheme unlawful on the grounds people could be returned to their home countries and face harm, a process known as refoulement that would breach international law.

The emergency bill was designed to appease both wings of the Conservative Party – the right wing and the more moderate One Nation group – by allowing the UK to disapply aspects of the Human Rights Act but not the legislation in its entirety.

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‘Why did you resign, sir?’

But the Tory right – including Mr Jenrick and former home secretary Suella Braverman – want the bill to disregard the entire Human Rights Act with regard to asylum cases, as well as include extra powers to dismiss challenges under the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR).

Speaking to the BBC today, Ms Braverman was clear in her belief that unless the prime minister chose to “change course” and alter the bill to “totally exclude international law”, it would “fail”.

Mr Sunak said the new bill “fundamentally addresses” the issues brought up by the Supreme Court and would allow flights to take off to Rwanda.

He said Mr Jenrick was “not right” in his assessment and denied suggestions he would fail to keep his promises on immigration.

“No, he’s simply not right, actually,” he told reporters.

Sunak has picked a side – we must wait and see if his party tear him down


Sam Coates

Sam Coates

Deputy political editor

@SamCoatesSky

Rishi Sunak has just done something very important.

He has placed his stake in the ground, absolutely unambiguously, about how he is, and how he isn’t, going to tackle illegal migration.

In doing so, he has picked a side and now we wait to see whether his party go along with her or tear him down.

Mr Sunak made the argument in that press conference that he has come up with the toughest-ever, and toughest possible, approach to try and get this Rwanda policy actually into action.

But he is not doing that by leaving international conventions and international laws, he’s gone as far he as he thinks he can go without doing that.

He was effectively explaining that to the British public.

He was saying we’re going to pass a law that simply says Rwanda is safe. He said we’re going to pass a law that domestic courts can’t take account of international law and the European Convention on Human Rights.

But he drew the line at actually leaving these international obligations and saying that we were going to ignore final judgments from the Strasbourg court.

He did so, saying that if he went any further Rwanda would collapse the Rwanda deal.

But he has decided not to make this a back me or sack me moment.

We’re about to have this piece of legislation that he’s going to try and get through the Houses of Parliament.

But he is not confident enough to say this is what is known as a matter of confidence. In other words, if his MPs don’t back him in sufficient numbers, and this piece of legislation falls, there will be an election.

It is quite clear Mr Sunak is putting all of his eggs into the basket of trying to get this bill through.

It only takes 29 Tory MPs to vote against it for the government to lose and who knows what happens then.

“For the people who say ‘you should do something different’, the difference between them and me is an inch, given everything that we have closed. We’re talking about an inch.

“That inch by the way is the difference between the Rwandans participating in this scheme and not.”

Pressed again on whether the vote on the Rwanda policy should be treated as a vote of confidence in his leadership, he replied: “No, but what this vote is about is about confidence in parliament.”

Read more:
Rishi Sunak facing political fight of his life as he wars with right wing Tories over Rwanda bill
Robert Jenrick’s resignation letter and Rishi Sunak’s response in full

He said “the question now is to the Labour Party” and whether it would back the bill – something the party has confirmed it would not do.

Speaking to Sky News this morning, Labour’s national campaign co-ordinator Pat McFadden said the government was “tearing itself apart” over the Rwanda scheme.

“The prime minister admitted that the Rwandan government had had to warn the UK government not to break international law,” he said.

“You’ve got to wonder what is the point of them if they’re just going to carry on like this?”

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Regulators must catch up to the new privacy paradigm

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Regulators must catch up to the new privacy paradigm

Opinion by: Agata Ferreira, assistant professor at the Warsaw University of Technology

A new consensus is forming across the Web3 world. For years, privacy was treated as a compliance problem, liability for developers and at best, a niche concern. Now it is becoming clear that privacy is actually what digital freedom is built on. 

The Ethereum Foundation’s announcement of the Privacy Cluster — a cross-team effort focused on private reads and writes, confidential identities and zero-knowledge proofs — is a sign of a philosophical redefinition of what trust, consensus and truth mean in the digital age and a more profound realization that privacy must be built into infrastructure.

Regulators should pay attention. Privacy-preserving designs are no longer just experimental; they are now a standard approach. They are becoming the way forward for decentralized systems. The question is whether law and regulation will adopt this shift or remain stuck in an outdated logic that equates visibility with safety.

From shared observation to shared verification

For a long time, digital governance has been built on a logic of visibility. Systems were trustworthy because they could be observed by regulators, auditors or the public. This “shared observation” model is behind everything from financial reporting to blockchain explorers. Transparency was the means of ensuring integrity.

In cryptographic systems, however, a more powerful paradigm is emerging: shared verification. Instead of every actor seeing everything, zero-knowledge proofs and privacy-preserving designs enable verifying that a rule was followed without revealing the underlying data. Truth becomes something you can prove, not something you must expose.

This shift might seem technical, but it has profound consequences. It means we no longer need to pick between privacy and accountability. Both can coexist, embedded directly into the systems we rely on. Regulators, too, must adapt to this logic rather than battle against it.

Privacy as infrastructure

The industry is realizing the same thing: Privacy is not a niche. It’s infrastructure. Without it, the Web3 openness becomes its weakness, and transparency collapses into surveillance.

Emerging architectures across ecosystems demonstrate that privacy and modularity are finally converging. Ethereum’s Privacy Cluster focuses on confidential computation and selective disclosure at the smart-contract level. 

Others are going deeper, integrating privacy into the network consensus itself: sender-unlinkable messaging, validator anonymity, private proof-of-stake and self-healing data persistence. These designs are rebuilding the digital stack from the ground up, aligning privacy, verifiability and decentralization as mutually reinforcing properties.

This is not an incremental improvement. It is a new way of thinking about freedom in the digital network age.

Policy is lagging behind the technology

Current regulatory approaches still reflect the logic of shared observation. Privacy-preserving technologies are scrutinized or restricted, while visibility is mistaken for safety and compliance. Developers of privacy protocols face regulatory pressure, and policymakers continue to think that encryption is an obstacle to observability.

This perspective is outdated and dangerous. In a world where everyone is being watched, and where data is harvested on an unprecedented scale, bought, sold, leaked and exploited, the absence of privacy is the actual systemic risk. It undermines trust, puts people at risk and makes democracies weaker. By contrast, privacy-preserving designs make integrity provable and enable accountability without exposure. 

Lawmakers must begin to view privacy as an ally, not an adversary — a tool for enforcing fundamental rights and restoring confidence in digital environments.

Stewardship, not just scrutiny

The next phase of digital regulation must move from scrutiny to support. Legal and policy frameworks should protect privacy-preserving open source systems as critical public goods. Stewardship stance is a duty, not a policy choice.

Related: Compliance isn’t supposed to cost you your privacy

It means providing legal clarity for developers and distinguishing between acts and architecture. Laws should punish misconduct, not the existence of technologies that enable privacy. The right to maintain private digital communication, association and economic exchange must be treated as a fundamental right, enforced by both law and infrastructure.

Such an approach would demonstrate regulatory maturity, recognizing that resilient democracies and legitimate governance rely on privacy-preserving infrastructure.

The architecture of freedom

The Ethereum Foundation’s privacy initiative and other new privacy-first network designs share the idea that freedom in the digital age is an architectural principle. It cannot depend solely on promises of good governance or oversight; it must be built into protocols that shape our lives.

These new systems, private rollups, state-separated architectures and sovereign zones represent the practical synthesis of privacy and modularity. They enable communities to build independently while remaining verifiably connected, thereby combining autonomy with accountability.

Policymakers should view this as an opportunity to support the direct embedding of fundamental rights into the technical foundation of the internet. Privacy-by-design should be embraced as legality-by-design, a way to enforce fundamental rights through code, not just through constitutions, charters and conventions.

The blockchain industry is redefining what “consensus” and “truth” mean, replacing shared observation with shared verification, visibility with verifiability, and surveillance with sovereignty. As this new dawn for privacy takes shape, regulators face a choice: Limit it under the old frameworks of control, or support it as the foundation of digital freedom and a more resilient digital order.

The tech is getting ready. The laws need to catch up.

Opinion by: Agata Ferreira, assistant professor at the Warsaw University of Technology.

This article is for general information purposes and is not intended to be and should not be taken as legal or investment advice. The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed here are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect or represent the views and opinions of Cointelegraph.