Tesla has announced that it will raise factory worker pay for some workers at its Nevada Gigafactory by 10% or more. The news comes not long after UAW’s historic strike wins, in which it earned 25% pay increases at all of the Big Three American automakers.
After VW, Hyundai, Toyota, and Honda did the same recently, this shows how union wins tend to affect entire industries, raising conditions for even nonunionized companies who have to compete for workers.
CNBC reported that Tesla internal documents confirmed that workers at the Gigafactory will receive “cost of living adjustments” of between $2.00 and $8.30 per hour, with raises of 10% or more for most hourly workers at the plant. It will also “streamline” wage tiers and reduce the differences in pay between them.
These are two major points of the UAW negotiation, which not only sought raises but also cost-of-living adjustments (which UAW gave up as part of negotiations after the 2008 financial crisis and only just got back in this year’s negotiations) and the elimination or reduction of tiered pay structures. CNBC’s report doesn’t state whether Tesla’s timelines have been made shorter, but the wage progressions will be compressed to have fewer tiers.
Tesla is currently in the sights of UAW as a potential target for unionization. But UAW is not the only union targeting Tesla. The automaker is currently facing a strike from workers in Sweden as the nation’s largest industrial union, IF Metall, wants Tesla to sign a collective bargaining agreement (an agreement the likes of which 90% of Swedish workers are covered). This strike has been gradually expanding via sympathy strikes over time.
The new pay raises will take effect starting January 2024, just two weeks from now.
Other companies have also raised pay
Tesla’s raises aren’t the only similar recent announcement from a nonunionized company.
Last month, Volkswagen of America announced that it would increase wages in a press release. It was pretty light on details but said that the wage increase would start in December and that a compressed wage progression timeline would begin in February.
Volkswagen of America annually evaluates compensation for our production team members at the end of the year to ensure we continue to offer a competitive and robust compensation package designed to attract and motivate employees who make our daily operations possible at the plant.
Prior to that, Hyundai announced a 25% pay increase for nonunionized workers by 2028, matching the headline 25% gain that UAW won in its negotiations. Hyundai COO Jose Munoz said, “Hyundai continuously strives to maintain competitive wages and benefits commensurate to industry peers.”
Also, Honda raised the wages of some workers by 11%, along with a faster progression to the top of the wage scale and additional benefits like child care and student loan help. Honda said it “continuously reviews our total rewards packages to ensure we remain competitive within our industry.” The company also said, “We will continue to look for opportunities to ensure that we provide an excellent employment experience for Honda associates.”
And Toyota took the opportunity to hike the pay of most of its US assembly workers by 9.2% immediately after the UAW deals were announced. After Toyota’s pay hike, UAW President Shawn Fain recognized that it was a response to his union’s new contract, saying, “Toyota, if they were doing it out of the kindness of their heart, they could have chosen to do it a year ago.”
The “UAW Bump”
Fain called these wage increases “the UAW bump” and said, “UAW, that stands for ‘U Are Welcome.’”
UAW wants to maintain this momentum and has openly stated that it wants to unionize more nonunionized companies in the US. In UAW’s original strike victory announcement, Fain said that it plans to come back to the bargaining table in 2028 on May 1, otherwise known as May Day or International Workers’ Day, but that time, it “won’t just be with a Big Three, but with a Big Five or Big Six.”
At the time, he didn’t specify who exactly those extra two or three companies would be, but later, we found out when UAW launched a campaign to unionize the entire auto industry at once. So perhaps UAW is aiming for even more than a Big Five or Big Six at this point.
Much of union popularity has been driven by COVID-related disruptions across the economy, with workers becoming unsatisfied due to mistreatment (labeling everyone “essential,” companies ending work-from-home) and with the labor market getting tighter with over 1 million Americans dead from the virus and another 2-4 million (and counting) out of work due to long COVID.
Unions have seized on this dissatisfaction to build momentum in the labor movement, with unions striking successfully across many industries and organizers starting to organize workforces that had previously been nonunion.
Announcements like these show how high union membership has a tendency to improve working conditions for every worker and why the US has had gradually lower pay and worse conditions over the decades since union membership peaked. It’s really not hard to see the influence when you plot these trends against each other.
It’s quite clear that lower union membership has resulted in lower inflation-adjusted compensation for workers, even as productivity has skyrocketed. As workers have produced more and more value for their companies, those earnings have gone more and more to their bosses rather than to the workers who produce that value. And it all began in the 80s, around the time of Reagan – a timeline that should be familiar to those who study social ills in America.
Conversely, these raises show the impact that unionized workers can have, not only for their own shops but for nonunionized workplaces as well. If workers gain a big pay increase in one part of an industry, all of a sudden, workers at other companies might start thinking they want to jump ship, maybe move over to another company where they can get better pay or better conditions. To retain workers, companies then need to raise wages.
In addition, nonunionized companies may want to keep their employees nonunionized and thus see the pay raises as a way to satiate their employees into maintaining the status quo. If workers at Toyota see that UAW workers are getting huge pay increases and lots of additional benefits, maybe they’ll think that UAW can bring them the same benefits and start talking about unionizing.
Companies generally think they should avoid having a unionized workforce because a unionized workforce means more pay for workers, which to them means less pay for the executives and shareholders making the decisions. So they’ll offer whatever carrots they can to keep workers from organizing to have their voices heard collectively. Individually, workers have little influence over what their pay and conditions should be.
All of this isn’t just true in the US but also internationally. If you look at other countries with high levels of labor organization, they tend to have more fair wealth distribution across the economy and more ability for workers to get their fair share.
We’re seeing this in Sweden right now, as Tesla workers are striking for better conditions. Since Sweden has a 90% collective bargaining coverage, it tends to have a happy and well-paid workforce, and it seems clear that these two things are correlated. And while that strike is continuing, meaning we haven’t yet seen the effects of it, most observers think that the workers will eventually get what they want since collective bargaining is so strong in that country.
These are all reasons why, as I’ve mentioned in many of these UAW-related articles, I’m pro-union. And I think everyone should be – it only makes sense that people should have their interests collectively represented and that people should be able to join together to support each other and exercise their power collectively instead of individually.
This is precisely what companies do with industry organizations, lobby organizations, chambers of commerce, and so on. And it’s what people do when sorting themselves into local, state, or national governments. So naturally, workers should do the same. It’s just fair.
And it’s clear that it helps – so even if you aren’t unionized yourself or have a job that doesn’t lend well to unionization, you should probably be happy about other union efforts since they tend to buoy entire economies for the people who are creating the value in the first place – the workers.
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The latest addition to Orbea’s electric road bike lineup is here, and it’s designed to handle more than just pavement. The Orbea Denna, announced today, is a gravel-optimized electric road bike that builds on the company’s previous experience with models like the Gain and Terra. Featuring a mid-drive motor “tuned specifically for off-road conditions”, the Denna aims to blend power, range, and versatility for riders looking to tackle everything from steep climbs to loose trails.
At the heart of the Denna is Orbea’s RS Gen2 RC system, a customized version of Shimano’s EP platform. The RS (Rider Synergy) branding refers to Orbea’s firmware tweaks that aim to deliver a more natural ride feel by adjusting power delivery to match rider input.
The second-generation update increases the motor’s torque output to 85 Nm, giving it plenty of climbing ability, especially on rougher terrain.
The Denna offers two built-in power modes:
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• Gravel mode is tuned for smoother gravel roads, offering a more efficient power delivery at higher cadences.
• Gravel+ mode adjusts torque for looser terrain, delivering extra power at lower cadences to improve traction.
Riders can further tweak the assist settings through the Shimano e-Tube app, dialing in torque output to match their riding style.
Orbea designed the Denna with tire clearance up to 50c, allowing riders to customize their setup based on terrain. The frame geometry includes:
• A lower bottom bracket for stability
• Optimized chainstay length for balance between responsiveness and comfort
• A longer wheelbase to improve handling over uneven terrain
• A size-specific fork trail for consistent ride quality across all frame sizes
The OMR carbon frame and fork are built for both stiffness and compliance, allowing an interesting mix of vertical flex to absorb road vibrations while maintaining lateral rigidity for efficient pedaling.
The Denna is powered by a 420Wh battery, which Orbea claims can support up to 3.5 km (2.5 miles) of elevation gain in Eco mode. That’s not exactly the most common way to measure battery capacity, but most electric road bikes with similar sized batteries tout flat land ranges of 120-150 km (75-90 miles) per charge.
For riders who need even more range, an optional 210Wh range extender battery that is roughly the size of a water bottle adds extra distance without significantly increasing weight.
While range extenders are less common for everyday e-bikes, electric road bikes and gravel bikes are uniquely relevant candidates, as riders of these types of bikes often head out on extended rides covering significant distances.
Riders can switch between assistance modes using the left brake lever, and the system is compatible with multiple display options, including Shimano’s EN600 unit or a paired Garmin device for real-time battery and motor data.
For added utility, all Denna models include mounting points for fenders and two water bottle cages, making it adaptable for long-distance adventures.
Orbea is offering the Denna through its MyO customization program, allowing buyers to select components, colors, and finishes to match their riding style—whether that means a more road-oriented build or a full gravel setup.
Joseba Arizaga, Orbea’s Road Product Manager, summed up the company’s vision for the Denna:
‘’We are thrilled to be launching Denna today. It represents the next evolution of eRoad riding—where power, range, and capability come together to break down barriers and redefine what’s possible. With our Rider Synergy concept and gravel-specific tuning, Denna provides a seamless, natural ride feel that enhances every adventure, whether on smooth tarmac, rugged backroads or both. It’s not just about assistance; it’s about expanding the ride, unlocking new routes, and pushing further than ever before.”
Last but not least (definitely not least), prices can be found below. They range considerably for the different models that feature higher spec loadouts of key components.
Euros (EU)
Dollars (US)
Pounds (UK)
M10i
9,999
9,999
8,999
M11e
9,999
9,999
8,999
M20i
7,599
7,599
7,299
M31e
6,999
6,999
6,399
M20
5,899
5,999
5,699
M30
5,499
5,599
5,199
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Tesla’s policy team sent a letter to the US government to complain about potentially being the target of retaliatory tariffs amid Trump’s trade war.
The automaker was right, as Canada is already targeting Tesla directly with a few policy changes.
On Tuesday, March 11, Tesla’s policy team sent a letter Jamieson Greer, President Trump’s top US trade representative, to warn them the current trade war, started by Trump, could make Tesla’s target of retaliatory tariffs (via Reuters):
“As a U.S. manufacturer and exporter, Tesla encourages USTR to consider the downstream impacts of certain proposed actions taken to address unfair trade practices.”
The automaker didn’t elaborate on why it thought that, but it’s likely because its CEO, Elon Musk, is one of the Trump’s top advisers, and he contributed more than $250 million to the President’s campaign.
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Many people see Musk as a sort of “shadow president,” and therefore, some of the backlash of the administration’s policies falls on him and, in turn, on Tesla.
Musk has been Trump’s biggest supporter. He has praised virtually all of Trump’s policies and even said that he loves Trump “as much as a straight man can love another man.” That’s an actual quote.
However, there’s one of Trump’s policies that Musk has stayed completely silent on: the sense less trade war that he started with US allies, including Canada and Mexico.
For some reason, he appears to have completely forgotten about it and keeps claiming that Canada and Mexico are “screwing over the US” with this deal. He even asked several times “who negotiated this deal?”
Musk is most likely quiet about it because he knows it bads for the US and its allies, as well as himself and Tesla.
The automaker’s policy team was right to worry about reliatory measures over the trade way.
Just today, B.C. Hydro, which offers rebates for installing EV charging stations, announced that it is excluding Tesla products from the program in response to U.S. tariffs.
BC Energy minister Adrian Dix commented on the move (via CBC):
“I thought they [Tesla products] shouldn’t be made available on a public subsidy program right now. I don’t think anyone in British Columbia needs to be told why, and I think most people would support their removal from that list,”
The province is also considering removing Tesla from the $4,000 rebate program at the purchase of electric vehicles.
That’s just the beginning. NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh, who could be part of the new Canadian government if a coalition is formed after the upcoming elections, vowed to implement a 100% tariffs on Tesla vehicles coming from the US.
I really wouldn’t want to work for Tesla’s policy team these days. They are walking a difficult line. The president’s policies are hurting the company, but the company’s CEO is his best buddy.
So they have to write things like “Tesla encourages USTR to consider the downstream impacts of certain proposed actions taken to address unfair trade practices” instead of “You are killing us over here with these schizophrenic trade policies!”
Generally, I would have issues with policies singling out a specific company, but we are talking about the US breaking a free trade agreement over false pretends and opposing ridiculous tariffs with the hope of crippling the country’s economy and force them to be annexed by the US, which Trump hasn’t been shy about as of late.
It’s unacceptable, especially for an ally, and therefore, everything is on the table, including trying to hurt Trump’s top financial backer.
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ChargePoint has brought five new DC fast charging stations online in upstate New York, supported by key funding from the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA).
ChargePoint’s fast charging stations are in Cortland, Waterloo, Lake Placid, Niagara Falls, and Ripley. With ChargePoint’s mobile app, EV drivers can find, use, and pay for charging at the new locations.
“ChargePoint’s collaboration with NYSERDA demonstrates the critical role that public-private partnerships will continue to play in the build out of charging infrastructure, particularly at the state level,” said Rick Wilmer, CEO of ChargePoint. “When all types of institutions work together to defray costs, much-needed EV charging infrastructure can scale at an accelerated pace.”
NYSERDA’s support, through its Clean Transportation program, enables the build-out of critical EV charging infrastructure across New York State, reducing the capital investment needed to deploy public charging sites. This includes building out access in underserved communities, defined as disadvantaged communities by New York State’s Climate Justice Working Group. Fifty percent of the fast-charging stations funded through this program will be located in communities designated as disadvantaged.
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Electrek’s Take
The Trump administration is actively working to dismantle federal support for the buildout of the NEVI program and DC fast charger rollout in general. That’s pretty dumb, considering EV adoption is surging, and the electric vehicle industry has already created thousands of American jobs up and down a rapidly expanding supply chain.
But states and utilities are stepping up with their own incentives, and this partnership between ChargePoint and New York State is exactly the kind of success story that keeps the momentum rolling. Trump might tap the brakes on federal support for DC fast chargers, but he can’t derail the progress completely. States like New York that are serious about building out EV charging infrastructure are moving forward – no matter what.
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