Israel “might have taken action” in breach of international law in Gaza, the foreign secretary has said during a tense exchange with MPs on the conflict in the Middle East.
Lord Cameron also confirmed two British nationals are still being held hostage by Hamas, as he made his first appearance before the Foreign Affairs Committee since his controversial return to cabinet.
The former prime minister was given a peerage in order to take the government post and because he is not an MP, and therefore does not speak in the House of Commons, the committee appearance is the first chance MPs have had to scrutinise his new role.
Foreign Affairs Committee chair Alicia Kearns, a Conservative MP, pressed him on whether he has received advice from government lawyers saying Israel is in any way in breach of international law.
The foreign secretary said he “cannot recall every single bit of paper that has been put in front of me” and it was not his job to make a “legal adjudication”.
Ms Kearns, appearing frustrated, cited previous instances in which he declared that foreign regimes have breached international law.
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Lord Cameron eventually said he was “worried” Israel might have done so.
He said: “Am I worried that Israel has taken action that might be in breach of international law, because this particular premises has been bombed or whatever?
“Yes, of course I’m worried about that.”
It comes as Israel prepares to defend itself at The International Court of Justice in The Hague this week, after South Africa accused it of genocide in its war against Hamas.
The conflict was sparked after Hamas’s 7 October attacks against Israel, which saw some 1,200 people killed and around 240 taken hostage.
During a ceasefire in November 105 hostages were released.
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‘Two Britons still being held hostage in Gaza’
However, Lord Cameron told the committee that two British nationals remain hostage.
“There are two British nationals who remain as hostages. I don’t want to make any further comment on them,” he said.
Asked if it is known whether the two people are still alive, the minister said: “I just don’t want to say any more. We don’t have any information to share with you.”
Libya intervention criticism ‘bunk’
Later in the hearing, Lord Cameron also defended his decision to intervene in Libya during his time as prime minister, calling criticism of the action “bunk”.
During his time in charge, an international coalition led by Britain and France launched a campaign of air and missile strikes against Colonel Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in March that year after the regime threatened to attack the rebel-held city of Benghazi.
A Foreign Affairs Committee report in 2016 described Britain’s military intervention in Libya as based on “erroneous assumptions” and an “incomplete understanding” of the rebellion against the former dictator.
It also heavily criticised Lord Cameron for turning a limited intervention intended to protect civilians into an “opportunist policy of regime change” based on inadequate intelligence.
The former Tory leader rejected the report’s findings, calling it “bunk”.
He told MPs: “The idea that, as prime minister, you would launch some action in Libya, on the basis of what… you thought it would be a good idea for no reason. We were genuinely concerned there was going to be a slaughter.
“It was right to intervene, it was right to stop Gaddafi killing his own people. It was right to give that country the chance of a brighter future. They didn’t want to have that help in reconstruction.”
And tens of billions of pounds of borrowing depends on the answer – which still feels intriguingly opaque.
You might think you know what the fiscal rules are. And you might think you know they’re not negotiable.
For instance, the main fiscal rule says that from 2029-30, the government’s day-to-day spending needs to be in surplus – i.e. rely on taxation alone, not borrowing.
And Rachel Reeves has been clear – that’s not going to change, and there’s no disputing this.
But when the government announced its fiscal rules in October, it actually published a 19-page document – a “charter” – alongside this.
And this contains all sorts of notes and caveats. And it’s slightly unclear which are subject to the “iron clad” promise – and which aren’t.
There’s one part of that document coming into focus – with sources telling me that it could get changed.
And it’s this – a little-known buffer built into the rules.
This says that from spring 2027, if the OBR forecasts that she still actually has a deficit of up to 0.5% of GDP in three years, she will still be judged to be within the rules.
In other words, if in spring 2027 she’s judged to have missed her fiscal rules by perhaps as much as £15bn, that’s fine.
Image: A change could save the chancellor some headaches. Pic: PA
Now there’s a caveat – this exemption only applies, providing at the following budget the chancellor reduces that deficit back to zero.
But still, it’s potentially helpful wiggle room.
This help – this buffer – for Reeves doesn’t apply today, or for the next couple of years – it only kicks in from the spring of 2027.
But I’m being told by a source that some of this might change and the ability to use this wiggle room could be brought forward to this year. Could she give herself a get out of jail card?
The chancellor could gamble that few people would notice this technical change, and it might avoid politically catastrophic tax hikes – but only if the markets accept it will mean higher borrowing than planned.
But the question is – has Rachel Reeves ruled this out by saying her fiscal rules are iron clad or not?
Or to put it another way… is the whole of the 19-page Charter for Budget Responsibility “iron clad” and untouchable, or just the rules themselves?
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Is Labour plotting a ‘wealth tax’?
And what counts as “rules” and are therefore untouchable, and what could fall outside and could still be changed?
I’ve been pressing the Treasury for a statement.
And this morning, they issued one.
A spokesman said: “The fiscal rules as set out in the Charter for Budget Responsibility are iron clad, and non-negotiable, as are the definition of the rules set out in the document itself.”
So that sounds clear – but what is a definition of the rule? Does it include this 0.5% of GDP buffer zone?
The Treasury does concede that not everything in the charter is untouchable – including the role and remit of the OBR, and the requirements for it to publish a specific list of fiscal metrics.
But does that include that key bit? Which bits can Reeves still tinker with?
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