The government believes “all the conditions are now in place” for a return of power-sharing in Northern Ireland following a deal reached with the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP).
Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Heaton-Harris said he was looking forward to the “restoration of the institutions at Stormont as soon as possible” following a near two-year suspension by the DUP in protest against post-Brexit trade arrangements.
Mr Heaton-Harris, who said the deal represented a “significant development, denied the agreement was a “secret” deal in response to a question from Sky News.
Asked by deputy political editor Sam Coates what had changed, and whether there were going to be fewer checks on goods going from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, the minister replied: “There are some significant changes but you’ll have to wait until the… all-party talks are finalised.
“And when I publish the deal in parliament, everyone will see what it is.”
Pressed on whether there could be a deal on the basis of a “secret package?”, Mr Heaton-Harris said: “It’s not a secret package.
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“It’s been a negotiation, and the negotiation has been between the Democratic Unionist Party and the UK government.”
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1:29
DUP agrees to new power-sharing plan
The Northern Ireland secretary said all of the parties in Northern Ireland were not being briefed on the deal and that he would be in a position to reveal the details once they had been finalised.
“I believe that all the conditions are now in place for the Assembly to return, and I look forward very much to the restoration of the institutions at Stormont as soon as possible,” he said.
He also praised DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson for his “leadership” and said it has “never been in doubt” that Sir Jeffrey’s “prime concern was to secure and reinforce Northern Ireland’s place in the union”.
The government is walking the wobbliest of tightropes to try and get Stormont back up and running.
Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Heaton-Harris has just welcomed the DUP decision to go back into Stormont.
But he has done so on the basis of a deal that the other parties in Northern Ireland, MPs and the EU haven’t seen.
Indeed the people making the decision on Monday night – the DUP executive – haven’t seen it either.
Mr Heaton-Harris simply wouldn’t be drawn on specifics – was DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson right to say there would be no checks at all on goods from NI to GB? He simply said we’d have to wait to tomorrow to see the deal.
Why the secrecy – fear of DUP having second thoughts? Fear of the EU claiming this is a breach of the Windsor Framework?
Just because they’re delaying answers to these questions doesn’t mean we won’t get them.
He said the package of measures, once delivered, would provide the basis for the return of devolved government.
The DUP, which won fewer seats than the republican Sinn Fein party for the first time in 2022’s election, highlighted its opposition to Rishi Sunak’s Windsor Framework deal with the EU, which it argues has created a border down the Irish Sea, separating Northern Ireland from Great Britain – a contravention of its principles.
Speaking after Mr Heaton-Harris’s conference, Sinn Fein president Mary Lou McDonald said the re-establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly had been “a long time coming”, but added: “We are very pleased we are at this juncture.”
She went on to say she was aware there further work to be done and that “society has really suffered from the absence of government over the last two years”.
“I very much welcome the fact that the DUP have moved to explicitly recognise and respect the outcome of that Assembly election, and we look forward to getting the job done.”
When the executive is restored, Sinn Fein vice president Michelle O’Neill is set to become Northern Ireland’s first nationalist first minister – which Ms McDonald described as “a mark, I suppose, of the extent of change that has occurred here in the north, and indeed, right across Ireland”.
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18:07
‘Stormont can’t be short-changed’
Alliance Party leader Naomi Long also said she had “bittersweet emotions” following the announcement of the deal.
“I am pleased that we are now potentially in a position to see the restoration of the institutions and to be able to actually start doing all of our jobs after a two-year block on that,” she said.
“I admit I am still slightly stinging from the fact that we have lost that two years, that the damage that has been done can’t simply be undone.”
Under the Good Friday agreement, Northern Ireland operates under a power-sharing model where at least two parties agree to govern together to form a government.
The executive is made up of the job of first minister and deputy first minister.
Nigel Farage has said he would take the UK out of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) if Reform win the next election.
The party’s leader also reaffirmed his pledge to repeal the Human Rights Act and disapply three other international treaties acting as “roadblocks” to deporting anyone entering the UK illegally.
In a speech about tackling illegal migration, he said a Reform government would detain and deport any migrants arriving illegally, including women and children, and they would “never, ever be allowed to stay”.
Sky News looks at what the ECHR is, how the UK could leave, and what could happen to human rights protections if it does.
What is the ECHR?
On 4 November 1950, the 12 member states of the newly formed Council of Europe (different to the EU) signed the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms – otherwise known as the ECHR.
It came into force on 3 September 1953 and has since been signed by an additional 34 Council of Europe members who have joined, bringing the total to 46 signatories.
The treaty was drafted in the aftermath of the Second World War and the Holocaust to protect people from the most serious human rights violations. It was also in response to the growth of Stalinism in central and Eastern Europe to protect members from communist subversion.
The treaty was the first time fundamental human rights were guaranteed in law.
Sir Winston Churchill helped establish the Council of Europe and was a driving force behind the ECHR, which came from the Charter of Human Rights that he championed and was drafted by British lawyers.
Image: Sir Winston Churchill was a driving force behind the ECHR
To be a signatory of the ECHR, a state has to be a member of the Council of Europe – and they must “respect pluralist democracy, the rule of law and human rights”.
There are 18 sections, including the most well-known: Article 1 (the right to life), Article 3 (prohibition of torture), Article 6 (right to a fair trial), Article 8 (right to private and family life) and Article 10 (right to freedom of expression).
The ECHR has been used to halt the deportation of migrants in 13 out of 29 UK cases since 1980.
ECHR protections are enforced in the UK through the Human Rights Act 1998, which incorporates most ECHR rights into domestic law. This means individuals can bring cases to UK courts to argue their ECHR rights have been violated, instead of having to take their case to the European Court of Human Rights.
Article 8 is the main section that has been used to stop illegal migrant deportations, but Article 3 has also been successfully used.
Image: The ECHR is interpreted by judges at this court in Strasbourg, France. File pic: AP
How is it actually used?
The ECHR is interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) – you’ll have to bear with us on the confusingly similar acronyms.
The convention is interpreted under the “living instrument doctrine”, meaning it must be considered in the light of present-day conditions.
The number of full-time judges corresponds to the number of ECHR signatories, so there are currently 46 – each nominated by their state for a non-renewable nine-year term. But they are prohibited from having any institutional ties with the state they come from.
An individual, group of individuals, or one or more of the signatory states can lodge an application alleging one of the signatory states has breached their human rights. Anyone who have exhausted their human rights case in UK courts can apply to the ECtHR to have their case heard in Strasbourg.
All ECtHR hearings must be heard in public, unless there are exceptional circumstances to be heard in private, which happens most of the time following written pleadings.
The court may award damages, typically no more than £1,000 plus legal costs, but it lacks enforcement powers, so some states have ignored verdicts and continued practices judged to be human rights violations.
Image: Inside the European Court of Human Rights. File pic: AP
How could the UK leave?
A country can leave the convention by formally denouncing it, but it would likely have to also leave the Council of Europe as the two are dependent on each other.
At the international level, a state must formally notify the Council of Europe of its intention to withdraw with six months’ notice, when the UK would still have to implement any ECtHR rulings and abide by ECHR laws.
The UK government would have to seek parliament’s approval before notifying the ECtHR, and would have to repeal the Human Rights Act 1998 – which would also require parliamentary approval.
Would the UK leaving breach any other agreements?
Leaving the ECHR would breach the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, a deal between the British and Irish governments on how Northern Ireland should be governed, which could threaten the peace settlement.
It would also put the UK’s relationship with the EU under pressure as the Brexit deal commits both to the ECHR.
The EU has said if the UK leaves the ECHR it would terminate part of the agreement, halting the extradition of criminal suspects from the EU to face trial in the UK.
Image: Keir Starmer has previously ruled out taking Britain out of the ECHR
How would the UK’s human rights protections change?
Certain rights under the ECHR are also recognised in British common law, but the ECHR has a more extensive protection of human rights.
For example, it was the ECHR that offered redress to victims of the Hillsborough disaster and the victims of “black cab rapist” John Worboys after state investigations failed.
Before cases were taken to the ECtHR and the Human Rights Act came into force, the common law did not prevent teachers from hitting children or protect gay people from being banned from serving in the armed forces.
Repealing the ECHR would also mean people in the UK would no longer be able to take their case to the ECtHR if the UK courts do not remedy a violation of their rights.
The UK’s human rights record would then not be subject to the same scrutiny as it is under the ECHR, where states review each other’s actions.
Image: Two victims of John Worboys sued the Met Police for failing to effectively investigate his crimes using Article 3 of the ECHR. Pic: PA
How human rights in the UK would be impacted depends partly on what would replace the Human Rights Act.
Mr Farage has said he would introduce a British Bill of Rights, which would apply only to UK citizens and lawful British citizens.
He has said it would not mention “human rights” but would include “the freedom to do everything, unless there’s a law that says you can’t” – which is how common law works.
Legal commentator Joshua Rozenberg said this would simply confirm the rights to which people are already entitled, but would also remove rights enjoyed by people visiting the UK.
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