Image: Supporters of Ayatollah Khomeini in Tehran during the revolution in 1979. Pic: Reuters
British and US intelligence were pivotal in helping the Iranian military overthrow Iran’s prime minister, Mohammad Mossadeq, in 1953.
This intervention, or meddling, as it was seen in the country, brought back to power the unpopular western-leaning monarchy of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who was heavily dependent on US support for his power.
At the heart of this support was the promise of access to the country’s natural resources, particularly oil.
But, this alliance would soon be disrupted.
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In 1979 the ground starts shifting across the country with a wave of civil unrest and popular protest.
Image: Ayatollah Khomeini speaks from a balcony in February 1979. Pic: Reuters
This uprising would see the grand ayatollah, Ruhollah Khomeini, return from years of exile – his platform and power fuelled by vehement opposition to what he considered a servile pro-western monarchy.
Taking power with an iron grip, the new Supreme Leader would transform the country into a radical Islamic theocracy.
But this takeover would not end at Iran’s borders.
At the heart of the transformation, there was a desire to spread the revolution to neighbouring countries – a project that continues to this day.
In 1985 the emerging militant group Hezbollah pledged its allegiance to Khomeini – that relationship has gone from strength to strength.
And thanks to Iran’s patronage Hezbollah is now the most powerful militant group in the world, often described as a state within a state in Lebanon.
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3:05
How does Iran influence the Middle East?
The spread of Iranian influence would grow exponentially over the next four decades, increasingly setting the country on a collision course with the United States and its allies.
The first big clash came quickly.
It arose after 52 American diplomats and citizens were taken hostage at the US embassy by radical Iranian students.
They were held for 444 days from 4 November 1979 until their release in 1981.
The US saw this as a serious breach of international law, but in Iran it was viewed as a blow against excessive US influence and meddling in the country.
It also burnished the credentials of the new regime, who opposed normalising relations with western countries – particularly America, which was labelled the Great Satan by the ayatollahs in their increasingly fiery speeches about foreign policy.
Image: Remains of a burned-out US helicopter in the eastern desert region of Iran in 1980. Pic AP
Operation Eagle Claw – a disastrous US attempt to free the hostages – saw a helicopter crash into a transport aircraft, causing a fire that killed eight servicemen.
During this time the US had cut diplomatic ties with Iran and banned most trade – things were not looking great.
In 1980 Iraq invaded Iran – the countries had been massive rivals but were now at war. The United States lent its hefty support to Iraq led by Saddam Hussein. The fighting, which dragged on until 1988, saw huge casualties on both sides but it is estimated as many as one million Iranians died in the conflict.
Relations with the US would remain bad. The Beirut Barracks bombing, Operation Praying Mantis, the Iran-Contra Affair and sanctions were the punctuation marks for two countries ideologically opposed, that were seemingly always at, or close to conflict.
That was until 1998 when there appeared to be glimmers of hope that relations were improving. Secretary of state Madeleine Albright met with Iran’s deputy foreign minister – it was the highest level contact since the revolution but it would not last.
Image: An Iranian woman walks past a US helicopter that crashed in Iran in 1980. Pic: Reuters
A few years later in 2002 and in a seminal speech President George Bush was labelling Iran as part of the “axis of evil” – its bedfellows Iraq and North Korea.
US officials would also claim Iran was operating a clandestine nuclear programme with the intent of building a bomb.
These were the years after 9/11.
Attempts to reach diplomatic understandings since then have mostly ended in failure.
President Barack Obama tried to use the carrot of sanctions relief to tame Iran’s nuclear program.
The agreement would eventually emerge as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
Image: Iran’s President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad at the Natanz nuclear facility. Pic: Reuters
It was hoped that the deal would steer Iran away from the big bomb, or at the very least slow progress; but many Republicans viewed it with suspicion arguing that it – along with the lifting of sanctions – gave the Iranians more power to spread their pernicious influence across the region.
Enter stage Donald Trump. Exit stage deal. The one-time – but perhaps soon to be two – US president ripped up the agreement when he withdrew America from the JCPOA.
Iran and America were soon back in a spiral of escalation. President Trump would later designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) a terror organisation.
Perhaps, the most significant event that underlines how broken the relationship is and how far apart the two countries have become came in the form of a US drone strike on 3 January 2020.
Image: Qassem Soleimani was assassinated. Pic: AP
Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the IRGC Quds force and one of the most powerful men in Iran – and by extension the region – was killed in the attack in Baghdad.
The American action sent shockwaves through the Middle East and Iran vowed revenge.
The regime also stated it would no longer restrict its nuclear program.
All of this forms the backdrop to current events. It is hard to see in the present climate how things can improve.
In fact, with the war raging in Gaza and Iranian-backed militias across the region taking pot shots at US forces, things look set to get even worse.
Rodrigo Duterte, the former president of the Philippines, has appeared at the International Criminal Court, accused of crimes against humanity.
The 79-year-old appeared in the Netherlands via video link on Friday.
His lawyer said he was suffering from “debilitating medical issues” but the judge in The Hague, Iulia Motoc, said the court doctor had found him to be “fully mentally aware and fit”.
She said he was allowed to appear remotely because he had taken a long flight.
Wearing a jacket and tie, Duterte spoke briefly to confirm his name and date of birth.
He was read his rights and formally informed of the charges. His supporters contest his arrest and say the court does not have jurisdiction.
If convicted, he faces life in prison.
His daughter Sara Duterte, the current vice president of the Philippines, said she was hoping to visit her father and have the hearing moved after meeting supporters outside the court.
Back home in the Philippine capital region, large screens were set up to allow families of suspects killed in the crackdowns to watch the proceedings.
Image: Police protested over the killings when Mr Duterte was still in charge in 2021. Pic: AP
Prosecutors accuse Duterte of forming and arming death squads said to have killed thousands of drug dealers and users during a brutal crackdown on illegal drugs.
Police say more than 6,200 people were killed in what they describe as shootouts while he was president from 2016 to 2022.
They claim he was an “indirect co-perpetrator” in multiple murders, allegedly overseeing killings between November 2011 and March 2019.
Before becoming president, Duterte was the mayor of the southern city of Davao.
According to the prosecution, he issued orders to police and other “hitmen” who formed the so-called “Davao Death Squads” or DDS.
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2:25
Why was Duterte arrested?
Estimates of the death toll during his six-year presidential term vary, from more than 6,000 reported by national police, to 30,000 claimed by human rights groups.
The warrant for his arrest said there were “reasonable grounds to believe that Mr Duterte bears criminal responsibility for the crime against humanity of murder”.
Duterte has said he takes full responsibility for the “war on drugs”.
He was arrested on Tuesday amid chaotic scenes in Manila, the capital of the Philippines, after returning from a visit to Hong Kong.
He also refused to have his fingerprints taken and threatened Police Major General Nicolas Torre with lawsuits before he was bundled onto a government-chartered jet at a Philippine air base and taken to The Hague, Maj Gen Torre told the Associated Press.
This breaking news story is being updated and more details will be published shortly.
Image: US special envoy Steve Witkoff talking to reporters at the White House. Pic: AP
Mr Witkoff, a former property mogul who has become Donald Trump’s chief negotiator, and is often referred to as the president’s ‘fixer’, had been dispatched to Moscow to deliver the US proposal for a 30-day ceasefire to Vladimir Putin.
His visit had been scheduled near the start of the week, following the US-Ukraine talks in Saudi Arabia.
But after arriving around lunchtime on Thursday, he was left twiddling his thumbs for at least eight hours before being called into the Kremlin.
Mr Putin was apparently too busy meeting someone else – Belarusian leader Aleksander Lukashenko – for a hastily arranged state visit that had been announced the day before.
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1:27
Is a ceasefire in Ukraine still viable?
Was ally’s visit a classic Putin power play?
We don’t know for sure if the timing of Mr Lukashenko’s visit was deliberate, but it certainly didn’t feel like a coincidence.
Instead, it felt like a classic Putin power play.
Image: Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and his Belarusian counterpart Alexander Lukashenko. Pic: Reuters
The Kremlin leader doesn’t like to be backed into a corner and told what to do, especially on his own turf.
This felt like a message to the Americans – “I’m the boss, I set the schedule, and I’m not beholden to anyone”.
He did eventually grant Mr Witkoff that all-important face time, once night had fallen and behind closed-doors.
We don’t know how long they spoke for, nor the exact details of their discussion, but I think we can make a pretty good guess given Mr Putin’s comments earlier in the evening.
At a press conference alongside Mr Lukashenko, he made it abundantly clear that he’ll only sign up to a ceasefire if he gets something in return.
And it’s not just one thing he wants.
All Russia’s red lines remain
By the sounds of things, he still wants everything.
His comment regarding the “root causes” of the conflict suggests all of Russia’s red lines remain – no NATO membership for Ukraine, no NATO troops as peacekeepers, and for Russia to keep all the territory it has seized.
One thousand feet above the world’s largest iceberg, it’s hard to believe what you’re seeing.
It stretches all the way to the horizon – a field of white as far as the eye can see.
Its edge looks thin in comparison, until you make out a bird flying alongside and realise it is, in fact, a cliff of ice hundreds of feet high.
Scientists who have used satellites to track the iceberg’s decades-long meanderings north from Antarctica have codenamed the iceberg A23a.
But up close, numbers and letters don’t do it justice.
Image: The massive iceberg has run aground around 50 miles off the small island of South Georgia
It’s a seemingly endless slab of white, fringed by an aquamarine glow – the ocean at its base backlit by a sill of reflective ice below.
Monotonous yet magnificent; we’re flying along the coastline of a nation of ice.
And it’s also hard to believe you’re seeing it at all.
Where it has run aground – 50 miles off the small island of South Georgia – seems impossibly remote.
We’re 800 miles from the Falkland Islands and 900 miles from the icy wastes of Antarctica.
With no runway on South Georgia, there’s only one aircraft that ever flies here.
Image: The iceberg is around 50 miles from these dramatic peaks in South Georgia
Image: Large chunks of ice have broken off
Image: The view over South Georgia
Once a month or so, a Royal Air Force A400 transport plane based in the Falklands carries out Operation Cold Stare – a maritime surveillance and enforcement flight over the British Overseas Territory that includes the neighbouring South Sandwich Islands.
It’s a smooth, albeit noisy, two-hour flight to South Georgia.
But as the dramatic peaks of the island come into view, the ride – for us inexperienced passengers at least – gets scary.
Gusts off the mountains and steep terrain throw the plane and its occupants around.
Not that that stops the pilots completing their circuit of the island.
We fly over some of its 500,000 square mile marine protected zone designed to protect the greatest concentration of marine mammals and birds on the planet that is found on South Georgia.
Image: Cracks are appearing along the edges of A23a
Only then do we head out to the iceberg, and even though it’s only a few minutes flying from South Georgia it’s at first hard to see. It’s so big and white it’s indistinguishable from the horizon through the haze.
Until suddenly, its edge comes into view.
Image: The warmer ocean is undercutting the ice, weakening it further
Image: Arches have formed at its base and are being eroded away
It’s immediately apparent the A23a is not too long for this world. Large icebergs hundreds of metres across have already broken off and are drifting closer to South Georgia.
All along its edges, cracks are appearing and arches at its base caverns are being eroded by the warmer ocean here, undercutting the ice, weakening it further.
The iceberg might present a problem for some of South Georgia’s super-abundant penguins, seals and seabirds. A jumble of rapidly fragmenting ice could choke up certain bays and beaches in which colonies of the animals breed.
The trillion tonnes of fresh water melting out of the iceberg could also interfere with the food webs that sustain marine life.
However, the breeding season is coming to an end and icebergs are also known to fertilise oceans with sediment carried from the Antarctic continent.
The impact on shipping is more relevant. There’s not much of it down here. But fishing vessels, cruise ships and research teams ply these waters and smaller lumps of ice called “growlers” are a regular risk.
A23a will create many.
Icebergs this big are too few for scientists to know if they are becoming more frequent or not.
But they are symptomatic of a clearly emerging trend. As our climate warms, Antarctica is slowly melting.
It’s losing around 150 billion tonnes of ice a year – half of it breaking off the continent in the form of icebergs calving from glaciers, the rest melting directly from its vast ice sheets as temperatures gradually rise.
The pace of A23a’s disintegration is far, far faster. It will disappear in months, not millennia.
But watching its edges crumble and slide into the South Atlantic, you can’t help seeing it as the fate of a whole continent in miniature.