He spends much of his day checking the four CCTV feeds that cover his house. When he drives to work, he regularly changes his car and route.
This is a quiet suburb of Wolverhampton, grey and wet when I visit. It is hard to imagine much ever happening here.
But Mr Mothada is fearful that, even in these sleepy streets, he could be assassinated by the Indian state. And he has good reason to worry.
Others are already dead.
“The hit list was shown on TV with our pictures and our faces have been seen worldwide,” Mr Mothada tells Sky News in his first television interview.
Image: Mr Mothada has CCTV covering his house which he checks daily
“So I’m a lot more cautious than before because we can be killed here in the UK at any time.”
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The “hit list” is a charge sheet drawn up by the Indian National Investigation Agency (NIA) – the country’s counter-terror department – against 16 individuals, all accused of violating terror laws. Six of them live in the UK.
Last year, Mr Mothada was watching an Indian television channel, when a news report came on. In bombastic style, it named “enemies of the state” – and Mr Mothada was one of them.
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Image: NIA’s ‘hit list’ with Mr Mothada in the middle
“Of course I was shocked that they showed the report on TV with my picture,” he says.
“We know that we’ve become the government’s targets, so that does not mean that we are safe and can get on with our day-to-day as normal.
“Whenever we go outside or travel, we’re very careful and since then haven’t left the country because [the Indian government] has given us such a big threat.”
Mr Mothada, 62, is an activist who supports a Sikh homeland – separate from India – called Khalistan.
So were others on the list, several of whom are now dead.
A string of deaths
In May last year, Paramjit Singh Panjwar was gunned down in Lahore, Pakistan.
The Canadian government caused a diplomatic incident when it publicly accused India of being behind the assassination – a claim vociferously denied by India.
The same month, the FBI foiled an alleged plot to assassinate another activist on the list, Gurpatwant Singh Pannun.
A Department of Justice indictment says the person who allegedly tried to organise the killing said: “We have so many targets.”
And also that same June, Avtar Singh Khanda, a British activist, died suddenly.
Police insist there was no evidence of anything other than natural causes. But many in the Sikh activist community think the death is suspicious.
Mr Mothada is clear, saying: “That government is looking to assassinate anyone outside of the country who raises their voices for human rights, violations and justice.
“This is to ensure that we’re not able to raise our voices in international countries.”
And he thinks that the UK – unlike Canada and the US – is ignoring the issue to appease India.
He said: “Since the hit list was released, I’ve been feeling insecure, that something may happen in the future.
“If I am assassinated then it’s the British government’s total responsibility.”
Sky News asked the Indian High Commission for comment. A press officer acknowledged the request but said that it would not be possible to supply a response before publication, because of the co-ordination with various different government departments.
‘I am a law-abiding citizen’
The NIA alleges that the organisation Mr Mothada is part of, Sikhs for Justice, is a radical extremist group attempting “to propagate sedition as well as enmity on the grounds of region and religion, to radicalise impressionable youth, to cause disturbance to peace and harmony and to raise funds for terrorist activities”.
I put that to Mr Mothada.
Mr Mothada replies: “I live here in the UK and am a law-abiding citizen. The United Nations gives us the right of self-determination.
“All we do is raise our voices peacefully on how the Sikh community are treated in Punjab.”
It is an extremely contentious issue. Even in the UK, a protest outside the Indian High Commission last June turned violent, although Mr Mothada says this was because of another group.
A violent, complex history
But in India, in the 1970s and 1980s, some parts of the campaign for a separate Sikh state in the province of Punjab did result in conflict.
The armed insurgency was met by a harsh government crackdown. Thousands were killed.
In June 1984, Indian forces stormed the Golden Temple, the holiest Sikh shrine in Amritsar, where separatists had holed up. Hundreds, possibly thousands, died.
Months later, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her two Sikh bodyguards, which led to a series of bloody anti-Sikh riots.
The insurgency largely petered out inside Punjab by the 1990s but the Khalistan movement lived on most vocally in the Sikh diaspora – in countries like Canada, the US and the UK.
That history is very much still alive – and still very complex, even in Britain.
Martyrs and assassins
Half an hour’s drive from Mr Mothada’s house is Guru Nanak Gurdwara, a large place of worship in Smethwick, Birmingham. Some 25,000 people attend each week.
Its president, Kuldeep Singh Deol, shows me around, stopping to point a row of photos on the wall called The Martyrs of the Sikh Homeland Khalistan. Among them are some of the victims of the Golden Temple massacre.
Image: Martyrs displayed in Guru Nanak Gurdwara
But photos of the two assassins of Indira Gandhi are also proudly displayed.
I put it to Mr Deol that many would class those men as terrorists – and that hanging their photos supports the Indian position, that the Khalistan movement is not simply about peaceful protest but also encourages political violence.
“One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter,” Mr Deol says.
“These guys stood up, when the Indian government was going round from village to village, after attacking the Golden Temple, they went round from village to village eliminating anyone who looked like a Sikh.”
Image: ‘One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter’, says Kuldeep Singh Deol
“As Sikhs, we’re supposed to stand up against atrocities and defend others. But if we can’t defend ourselves we can’t defend others. It was a very bad time 35, 40 years ago. And for us, it’s still continuing.
“People aren’t safe in India. If they speak up, if they’re vocal, they’re attacked.”
And that fear is now felt in the UK, Mr Deol says: “The Sikhs are worried and upset, that even in this current climate, Sikhs are being targeted across borders in different countries.
“They’re concerned about the British government not speaking up about it.”
A spokesperson for the Home Office told Sky News: “The UK is proud of its diverse communities, and British Sikhs contribute immensely to the strength of our society.
“We continually assess potential threats in the UK, and take the protection of individuals’ rights, freedoms, and safety in the UK very seriously. Anyone who believes that a crime has been committed or is concerned for their safety should contact the police.”
Back in Wolverhampton, for all the precautions Kulwant Singh Mothada is taking, he remains defiant and committed to his activism.
“I want to give a message to the Indian government and agencies on behalf of the Sikh community: You cannot silence mine or the Sikh community’s voice by giving death threats or sharing hit lists.”
These were the people being sent back to the West Bank as part of the ceasefire deal – the people exchanged for the hostages.
The welcome they got was chaotic and joyful, just like previous prisoner releases. But there was something different this time – a changed, charged atmosphere and a heavier police presence.
Image: Palestinians in Ramallah greet relatives released from Israeli prisons. Pic: AP
And as the minutes passed by, the sense of joy was also pockmarked by pockets of utter sadness.
At first, it was a mistake. We saw a woman in floods of tears watching as prisoners filed off the two buses, showing victory signs at the waiting crowds. She had come to meet a cousin, but was sure that somehow he had been missed out and left behind. Her tears flowed until, some time later, she found him.
But others were not so fortunate. Overnight, the Israeli authorities had decided to increase the number of prisoners deemed dangerous enough to be denied a return to the West Bank.
Instead, this group, which makes up the majority of the 250 released prisoners, was taken to Gaza and released. Then they get the choice of whether to stay in Gaza or to be deported to another country – possibly Egypt or Turkey.
It is one thing to be taken back to Gaza if you are Gazan. But for the prisoners who come from the West Bank, and who are confronted by the apocalyptic wasteland left behind by war, it is a ticket to deportation, and the knowledge they can never return to their homeland.
You can only get to the West Bank by going through Israeli checkpoints or passport checks. And, clearly, having been deported, you won’t be allowed back in.
And so it is that we see Ghadeer in floods of tears. She is a police officer, in her uniform, and she runs back to the sanctuary of her car, to cry.
Image: A crowd gathers around a bus carrying released Palestinian prisoners. Pic: AP
‘Psychological terror’
Her sister Abeer is also here, and also distraught. Their brother, who they expected to collect, has been taken to Gaza. They did not know until they got here, and realised he had not emerged from the bus.
Her cousin, Yahya, is also here: “We got a call from my cousin last night, and then we got a written warning taped on our door saying that we weren’t allowed to celebrate.
“At midnight, they moved him south, and then to Gaza, all without our knowledge. We came here to see him, and we were shocked that he wasn’t on the bus.
“It is part of their playbook – psychological terror, playing with our emotions, and those of the prisoners.”
To Israel, the release of these prisoners has been a cause of soul-searching, criticised by some as a reckless action that frees terrorists. But for Palestinians, these prisoners are a blend of freedom fighters and political prisoners, some of whom have spent years in detention despite never facing criminal trial.
The prisoners have been told not to celebrate after their release, and these are warnings they take seriously. One man tells us: “I can’t talk, but I am happy.” Another simply says” “I can’t say anything today – come back tomorrow.”
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1:28
Could recognition of Palestine change the West Bank?
‘They are taking our soul’
But another tells us he is “ashamed” that it could have taken the death of so many people in Gaza to secure his release. Emotions run high.
Among the crowds, we see Aman Nafa. Her husband is Nael Barghouti, who has spent 45 years in prison – more than any other Palestinian prisoner – and is now in exile in Turkey. He’s banned from returning, she’s banned from visiting him.
I ask her about the ceasefire, and the chances of a new beginning between Israel and the Palestinians. She bristles.
“They don’t want any peace with us,” she says. “They just want to take the land. It’s like our soul – they are taking our soul. They are torturing us.”
I ask her about her emotions on a day when the focus of the world is on the return of the hostages.
“Double standards,” she says, “but the people around the world – they know what is happening in Palestine. We are not against Jewish people. We are against the Zionists who want to empty our land and take it.”
Acrimony, mistrust, and the fear of tomorrow are endemic among many in the West Bank. A ceasefire in Gaza has soothed some nerves, but, so far at least, it hasn’t addressed the fundamental problems.
For two years, they have gathered in Hostages Square – parents, brothers, sisters, extended family and friends clutching photographs and signs reading “bring them home”.
They have campaigned, protested and prayed for the return of loved ones taken in the 7 October attacks.
But now the mood has shifted.
The chants of frustration have turned into songs of celebration.
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2:12
Sky’s Alex Rossi reports from Hostages Square in Tel Aviv, where thousands gathered to witness the return of all living Israeli captives.
The tears that once fell in despair are now tears of relief.
The square, normally a site of weekly demonstrations, has transformed into a sea of flags.
Image: Crowds gather in Hostages Square in Tel Aviv. Pic: AP
We watched as tens of thousands packed into this area of Tel Aviv to witness a moment many feared might never come – the homecoming of the remaining hostages.
Every few minutes, the massive video screens behind the stage beamed new images – exhausted but smiling hostages embracing their families.
Each clip is met with a roar of applause – the atmosphere is one of sheer elation, it is electric.
When helicopters pass overhead, ferrying freed captives to nearby hospitals, the crowd erupts again and again, looking upwards to the sky in awe at the impossible that’s now been made possible.
Image: Pic: Reuters
The sense of catharsis here is palpable – at last some closure after a nightmare two years and a chance for the healing process of a nation to begin.
But beneath the jubilation, there’s a deep well of sorrow – and reckoning.
The 7 October massacre was the deadliest single-day attack on Israel since the nation’s founding in 1948 – an event that upended the country’s sense of safety and unity.
More than 1,000 were killed that day, and hundreds were taken into Gaza.
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29:41
‘Israel is committed to peace’
For the families who never stopped fighting for their return, this is both an ending and a beginning.
Now that the living hostages are home, attention turns to those who did not survive.
Officials say the process of identifying and repatriating remains will take time – and for some families, closure still remains heartbreakingly out of reach.
But the questions that linger extend far beyond grief.
Image: Thousands of people celebrate the release of the hostages. Pic: AP
In the days and weeks ahead, the Israeli government faces intense scrutiny.
How could the country’s fabled intelligence and defence apparatus fail so catastrophically?
And what accountability, if any, will fall on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has faced mounting criticism over both the failures leading up to the attack and the protracted efforts to secure the hostages’ release?
This is a nation rejoicing, but also searching for answers.
For now, though, the families in this square are holding tight to one immutable positive – after more than two long years, the living hostages, at least, are finally home.
Drones have been a common sight in Gaza for a long time, but they have always been military.
The whine of a drone is enough to trigger fear in many within the enclave.
But now, drones are delivering something different – long, lingering footage of the devastation that has been wreaked on Gaza. And the images are quite staggering.
Whole city blocks reduced to rubble. Streets destroyed. Towns where the landscape has been wholly redesigned.
Image: Whole city blocks reduced to rubble
Decapitated tower blocks and whole areas turned into black and white photographs, where there is no colour but only a palette of greys – from the dark hues of scorched walls to the lightest grey of the dust that floats through the air.
And everywhere, the indistinct dull grey of rubble – the debris of things that are no longer there.
Image: Gaza is full of people returning to their homes
The joy that met the ceasefire has now changed into degrees of anxiety and shock.
Gaza is full of people who are returning to their homes and hoping for good news. For a lucky few, fortune is kind, but for most, the news is bad.
Umm Firas has been displaced from her home in Khan Younis for the past five months. She returned today to the district she knew so well. And what she found was nothing.
Image: Umm Firas returned to find nothing
“This morning we returned to our land, to see our homes, the neighbourhoods where we once lived,” she says.
“But we found no trace of any houses, no streets, no neighbourhoods, no trees. Even the crops, even the trees – all of them had been bulldozed. The entire area has been destroyed.
“There used to be more than 1,750 houses in the block where we lived, but now not a single one remains standing. Every neighbourhood is destroyed, every home is destroyed, every school is destroyed, every tree is destroyed. The area is unliveable.
“There’s no infrastructure, no place where we can even set up a tent to sit in. Our area, in downtown Khan Younis used to be densely populated. Our homes were built right next to each other. Now there is literally nowhere to go.
“Where can we go? We can’t even find an empty spot to pitch our tent over the ruins of our own homes. So we are going to have to stay homeless and displaced.”
It is a story that comes up again and again. One man says that he cannot even reach his house because it is still too near the Israeli military officers stationed in the area.
Another, an older man whose bright pink glasses obscure weary eyes, says there is “nothing left” of his home “so we are leaving it to God”.
“I’m glad we survived and are in good health,” he says, “and now we can return there even if it means we need to eat sand!”
Image: A man says there is ‘nothing left’
Image: A bulldozer moves rubble
The bulldozers have already started work across the strip, trying to clear roads and allow access. Debris is being piled into huge piles, but this is a tiny sticking plaster on a huge wound.
The more you see of Gaza, the more impossible the task seems of rebuilding this place. The devastation is so utterly overwhelming.
Bodies are being found in the rubble while towns are full of buildings that have been so badly damaged they will have to be pulled down.
Humanitarian aid is needed urgently, but, for the moment, the entry points remain closed. Charities are pleading for access.
It is, of course, better for people to live without war than with it. Peace in Gaza gifts the ability to sleep a little better and worry a little less. But when people do wake up, what they see is an apocalyptic landscape of catastrophic destruction.