The EPA has finalized its proposed 2027-2032 emissions rule, which is expected to result in a large increase in zero emission vehicle sales as vehicle exhaust limits rise rapidly through the end of the decade, on top of a separate rule yesterday from DoE about EV mpg-equivalents. Both rules were softened from their original proposals just like automakers asked for, but the largest automaker lobbyist is still complaining.
The regulations have been somewhat softened from the original proposal to allow more time for compliance, while maintaining roughly the same targets for 2032.
This softening is in accordance with requests from both the Alliance for Automotive Innovation (AAI), the main auto industry lobby group which has routinely lobbied to torpedo emissions standards in the past, and the United Auto Workers union (UAW), who worried that domestic auto production, which focuses disproportionately on high-polluting trucks and SUVs, would be disproportionately affected by the new rule.
UAW has repeatedly stated its support for a “just transition” to electric vehicles, as long as good-paying manufacturing jobs are retained. EPA projects that these rules will result in an increase in auto manufacturing employment.
The final rule also comes hot on the heels of a false media narrative that EV sales are slowing, which they are not. But this narrative has been seeded in the media over the course of the past few months, likely in an attempt to influence these very regulations. It seems that industry lied hard enough, successfully enough, and media blindly took the bait often enough, to successfully create a false narrative that may have influenced a softening of the regulations.
The rule sets emissions targets that would likely result in a 60% EV new car market share in 2030, rising to 67% in 2032. But the rule did not and does not mandate an EV share – it merely sets emissions targets which would likely necessitate that level of zero emission vehicle penetration to meet.
The rule is “technology neutral” in that those emissions limits can be met with a higher mix of more-efficient hybrid vehicles, or with fuel cell vehicles, or with battery electrics, or with whatever else. It is expected that the vast majority of zero emission vehicle production to help meet the rule will be battery electric, though.
But the proposal included multiple “alternatives” accounting for different adoption scenarios, with some accelerating more quickly in earlier years, and some curving upwards later on. AAI and UAW favored delayed adoption curves, while Volvo, Tesla, Rivian and Lucid all supported stronger alternatives. You can see what each automaker supported here.
AAI preferred “Alternative 3,” which would allow many more gas cars to be sold from 2027-2032, and continue to pollute for decades down the line
This alternative means significantly less savings, significantly more pollution and significantly more death than the proposed rule in the short term, but it does still represent enormous progress over the status quo, and even a big improvement from President Biden’s 2021 executive order targeting 50% EV sales by 2030. And the administration says that it still cuts the same amount of emissions in the long term, over 30 years.
This improvement was possible due to the rapid growth in EV sales, availability of EV technology, and widening of available EV models, all of which gave EPA the confidence to offer a reasonably strong tailpipe rule.
See EPA administrator Michael Regan and White House Climate Advisor Ali Zaidi announce the rule here
And the finalized rule will still save Americans $100 billion dollars in fuel costs and health and climate benefits per year, save some 2,000 lives per year, and cut 7 billion tons of climate pollution in total, among many other benefits. Though the savings per vehicle seems to be down from $12,000, which was the number quoted in the original rule, to $6,000, which is the number quoted by the administration’s press release today (we’re not sure why, if the 2032 regulations are the same as in the proposed rule).
By making a rule to “narrow the numerical stringency difference between the car and truck curves,” EPA intends to reduce favorable treatment for light trucks, which means we might actually be able to buy a normal f%&*ing sized vehicle in America again in a decade or two (save us R3, you’re our only hope).
And so, despite the weakening of the rule, it was still praised by the Alliance of Nurses for Healthy Environments, Consumer Reports, the League of Conservation Voters, BlueGreen Alliance, and Ceres, among many other organizations due to the significant health, consumer and environmental benefits it will bring.
Sierra Club and Public Citizen also recognize the improvement the regulations represent, but point out how intense lobbying from automakers and auto dealers worked to water down the rules at the expense of our climate.
DoE Petroleum Equivalency rule also released, despite auto lobby complaints
In addition to today’s EPA rule, the Department of Energy released a separate rule yesterday, concerning a “Petroleum Equivalency Factor” which decides how EVs are treated in fuel economy calculations. Currently, EVs get a tremendous benefit, meaning that automakers have to make a comparatively low number of EVs to bring their fleet average up to required levels.
The new PEF rules reduce the benefit that EVs get in this calculation. This is not because EVs aren’t clean, but rather so that automakers can’t build a bunch of polluting vehicles and a few clean vehicles just to pump their averages up. The new PEF will ensure that automakers need to make suitable amounts of EVs, instead of just a few compliance cars that give them a lot of bonus points.
This is in contrast to what AAI said about the new PEF rule, suggesting that it is a bad change which will disincentivize EV production because it reduces the benefit EVs get. This is not correct, relies on a misunderstanding of how averages work, and seems simply to be an attempt to get the mathematically-ignorant to go along with AAI’s anti-environment stance. Either that or John “does your head hurt?” Bozzella, president of the AAI, really can’t figure out how to do Junior High-level mathematics.
But the PEF rule, too, was loosened before implementation, reducing EV fuel economy calculations by 65%, rather than the 72% requested by the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) and Sierra Club. This means that EVs will still get probably a little more credit than they deserve, allowing automakers to still make a few more polluting vehicles than they would have with a stricter cut (though EVs will still have enough benefit to encourage their use over, say, gas hybrid vehicles).
Sierra Club and NRDC still praised the new PEF rule even after its weakening. Pete Huffman, senior attorney at NRDC, said “The automakers’ free ride is over. This important update from the Department of Energy will curtail automakers’ use of phantom credits they used to keep selling gas guzzlers. They now need to hit the accelerator on more fuel-efficient vehicles, saving consumers money at the pump.”
There is one more rule still coming, an update to the Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) rule, which will incorporate the PEF rule into its mileage calculations. We’re not sure quite when that will come out, but it will likely show up by the end of the month, which will help protect it from potential legal challenges should the US elections in November result in a leading party that is hostile to human existence, and wants to continue to force pollution down our throats rather than ensure Americans have the choice to drive better and cleaner vehicles.
Electrek’s Take
I and many other people who have lungs are disappointed by the softening of these regulations today.
These are still very good regulations. After reading the initial proposed rule, I was impressed and refreshed by how exceedingly well-reasoned it was. Especially compared to the previous four years of lying incompetence under former EPA leadership (which is back on the table as a possible option come November, so you might want to get your ballots ready to oppose that). It’s nice to read government speak plainly about the necessity of a regulation, how it will help, how it will be achieved, and that it is achievable, all supported with real science.
And, in particular, I’m over the moon about the inclusion of the part about “narrow[ing] the numerical stringency difference between the car and truck curves.”
But why is it that every single time we have to hear the same story:
Public interest groups beg for an eminently achievable improvement that will help everyone.
Industry screams about how impossible that improvement would be (it isn’t) and spends a ridiculous amount of money that only they have in order to influence it.
Government (at least serious government, which is to say, not the lying incompetents at the helm of the EPA from 2017-2021) examines the two cases and compromises to come up with a rule that is achievable, but isn’t as much in the public interest as it could be since it has been watered down by expensive lobbying efforts by polluting industry.
Public interest groups still say that it would be nice for everyone if the rule was made a little better.
Industry says there’s absolutely no way they can possibly do the compromise, and you need to make it “better” (aka, worse for living beings).
Government compromises again, always away from the direction of public interest groups, and gives industry exactly what they wanted.
Industry whines anyway and sues to stop the rule entirely, despite already getting two compromises in their favor, because those compromises still don’t kill nearly as many people or cost the public as much money and misery as industry desperately needs. And then begs for a reversal of the rule entirely come the next change in government (again, get your ballots ready for November).
We all recognize this pattern, right? This is not the first time it has happened, and it won’t be the last. But I contend that we have to stop negotiating with these environmental terrorists. They’re the ones who led us here, so I see no reason that they should have a greater seat at the table than those of us who have to breathe in the garbage that they keep pumping into the air without consequence. The EPA has made a fundamentally good rule, but watering-down its implementation was not the right choice.
But in the end, maybe it doesn’t matter. The current rise in EV sales has come well in excess of the underlying environmental regulations. This rule sets a floor, not a ceiling (Bozzella, in contrast, characterized the final rule as “a stretch goal” – no it’s not, it’s the rules), and the market can exceed these targets as more and more consumers recognize the superiority of electric vehicles, and that it’s probably a pretty poor idea to buy a gas car when the technology doesn’t have much of a future going for it.
These regulations are important and ensure that everyone gets on the same page – and, frankly, laggard automakers should probably thank the government for encouraging them to get on board. If emissions progress continues to exceed regulatory minimums, as it so far has, laggard companies are going to be left out even more if they just aim for the absolute minimum. And in that respect, weakening of the standards is bad for these laggard companies who lobbied for it, not good.
By raising that minimum, government is giving the likes of Toyota or Stellantis the kick in the pants they might need to get their act in gear. Because the industry is going to be upended, and laggards will be left behind.
Or maybe they’ll just sit on their hands and sue. Again. Oh well. We tried to save you and you just didn’t listen.
Plant workers drive along an aluminum potline at Century Aluminum Company’s Hawesville plant in Hawesville, Ky. on Wednesday, May 10, 2017. (Photo by Luke Sharrett /For The Washington Post via Getty Images)
Aluminum
The Washington Post | The Washington Post | Getty Images
Sweeping tariffs on imported aluminum imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump are succeeding in reshaping global trade flows and inflating costs for American consumers, but are falling short of their primary goal: to revive domestic aluminum production.
Instead, rising costs, particularly skyrocketing electricity prices in the U.S. relative to global competitors, are leading to smelter closures rather than restarts.
The impact of aluminum tariffs at 25% is starkly visible in the physical aluminum market. While benchmark aluminum prices on the London Metal Exchange provide a global reference, the actual cost of acquiring the metal involves regional delivery premiums.
This premium now largely reflects the tariff cost itself.
In stark contrast, European premiums were noted by JPMorgan analysts as being over 30% lower year-to-date, creating a significant divergence driven directly by U.S. trade policy.
This cost will ultimately be borne by downstream users, according to Trond Olaf Christophersen, the chief financial officer of Norway-based Hydro, one of the world’s largest aluminum producers. The company was formerly known as Norsk Hydro.
“It’s very likely that this will end up as higher prices for U.S. consumers,” Christophersen told CNBC, noting the tariff cost is a “pass-through.” Shares of Hydro have collapsed by around 17% since tariffs were imposed.
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The downstream impact of the tariffs is already being felt by Thule Group, a Hydro customer that makes cargo boxes fitted atop cars. The company said it’ll raise prices by about 10% even though it manufactures the majority of the goods sold in the U.S locally, as prices of raw materials, such as steel and aluminum, have shot up.
But while tariffs are effectively leading to prices rise in the U.S., they haven’t spurred a revival in domestic smelting, the energy-intensive process of producing primary aluminum.
The primary barrier remains the lack of access to competitively priced, long-term power, according to the industry.
“Energy costs are a significant factor in the overall production cost of a smelter,” said Ami Shivkar, principal analyst of aluminum markets at analytics firm Wood Mackenzie. “High energy costs plague the US aluminium industry, forcing cutbacks and closures.”
“Canadian, Norwegian, and Middle Eastern aluminium smelters typically secure long-term energy contracts or operate captive power generation facilities. US smelter capacity, however, largely relies on short-term power contracts, placing it at a disadvantage,” Shivkar added, noting that energy costs for U.S. aluminum smelters were about $550 per tonne compared to $290 per tonne for Canadian smelters.
Recent events involving major U.S. producers underscore this power vulnerability.
In March 2023, Alcoa Corp announced the permanent closure of its 279,000 metric ton Intalco smelter, which had been idle since 2020. Alcoa said that the facility “cannot be competitive for the long-term,” partly because it “lacks access to competitively priced power.”
Century stated the power cost required to run the facility had “more than tripled the historical average in a very short period,” necessitating a curtailment expected to last nine to twelve months until prices normalized.
The industry has also not had a respite as demand for electricity from non-industrial sources has risen in recent years.
Hydro’s Christophersen pointed to the artificial intelligence boom and the proliferation of data centers as new competitors for power. He suggested that new energy production capacity in the U.S., from nuclear, wind or solar, is being rapidly consumed by the tech sector.
“The tech sector, they have a much higher ability to pay than the aluminium industry,” he said, noting the high double-digit margins of the tech sector compared to the often low single-digit margins at aluminum producers. Hydro reported an 8.3% profit margin in the first quarter of 2025, an increase from the 3.5% it reported for the previous quarter, according to Factset data.
“Our view, and for us to build a smelter [in the U.S.], we would need cheap power. We don’t see the possibility in the current market to get that,” the CFO added. “The lack of competitive power is the reason why we don’t think that would be interesting for us.”
While failing to ignite domestic primary production, the tariffs are undeniably causing what Christophersen termed a “reshuffling of trade flows.”
When U.S. market access becomes more costly or restricted, metal flows to other destinations.
Christophersen described a brief period when exceptionally high U.S. tariffs on Canadian aluminum — 25% additional tariffs on top of the aluminum-specific tariffs — made exporting to Europe temporarily more attractive for Canadian producers. Consequently, more European metals would have made their way into the U.S. market to make up for the demand gap vacated by Canadian aluminum.
The price impact has even extended to domestic scrap metal prices, which have adjusted upwards in line with the tariff-inflated Midwest premium.
Hydro, also the world’s largest aluminum extruder, utilizes both domestic scrap and imported Canadian primary metal in its U.S. operations. The company makes products such as window frames and facades in the country through extrusion, which is the process of pushing aluminum through a die to create a specific shape.
“We are buying U.S. scrap [aluminium]. A local raw material. But still, the scrap prices now include, indirectly, the tariff cost,” Christophersen explained. “We pay the tariff cost in reality, because the scrap price adjusts to the Midwest premium.”
“We are paying the tariff cost, but we quickly pass it on, so it’s exactly the same [for us],” he added.
RBC Capital Markets analysts confirmed this pass-through mechanism for Hydro’s extrusions business, saying “typically higher LME prices and premiums will be passed onto the customer.”
This pass-through has occurred amid broader market headwinds, particularly downstream among Hydro’s customers.
RBC highlighted the “weak spot remains the extrusion divisions” in Hydro’s recent results and noted a guidance downgrade, reflecting sluggish demand in sectors like building and construction.
Danish energy giant Ørsted has canceled plans for the Hornsea 4 offshore wind farm, dealing a major blow to the UK’s renewable energy ambitions.
Hornsea 4, at a massive 2.4 gigawatts (GW), would have become one of the largest offshore wind farms in the world, generating enough clean electricity to power over 1 million UK homes. But Ørsted announced that it’s abandoning the project “in its current form.”
“The adverse macroeconomic developments, continued supply chain challenges, and increased execution, market, and operational risks have eroded the value creation,” said Rasmus Errboe, group president and CEO of Ørsted.
Reuters reported that Ørsted’s cancellation of Hornsea 4 would result in a projected loss of up to 5.5 billion Danish crowns ($837.85 million) in breakaway fees and asset write-downs. The company’s market value has declined by 80% since its peak in 2021.
The cancellation highlights significant challenges currently facing offshore wind development in Europe, particularly in the UK. The combination of higher material costs, inflation, and global financial instability has made large-scale renewable projects increasingly difficult to finance and complete.
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Ørsted’s decision is a significant setback to the UK’s energy transition goals. The UK currently has around 15 GW of offshore wind, and Hornsea 4’s size would have provided almost 7% of the additional capacity needed for the UK’s 50 GW by 2030 target, according to The Times. Losing this immense project off the Yorkshire coast could hamper the UK’s pace of reducing dependency on fossil fuels, especially amid volatile global energy markets.
The UK government reiterated its commitment to renewable energy, promising to work closely with industry leaders to overcome financial and logistical hurdles. Energy Secretary Ed Miliband told reporters in Norway that the UK is “still committed to working with Orsted to seek to make Hornsea 4 happen by 2030.”
Ørsted says it remains committed to its other UK-based projects, including the Hornsea 3 wind farm, which is expected to generate around 2.9 GW once completed at the end of 2027. Despite the challenges, the company emphasized its ongoing commitment to the British renewable market, pointing to the critical need for policy support and economic stability to ensure future developments.
Yet, the cancellation of Hornsea 4 demonstrates that even flagship renewable projects are vulnerable in the face of economic pressures and global uncertainties, which have been heightened under the Trump administration in the US.
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The Tesla Roadster appears to be quietly disappearing after years of delay. is it ever going to be made?
I may have jinxed it with Betteridge’s Law of Headlines, which suggests any headline ending in a question mark can be answered with “no.”
The prototype for the next-generation Tesla Roadster was first unveiled in 2017, and it was supposed to come into production in 2020, but it has been delayed every year since then.
It was supposed to get 620 miles (1,000 km) of range and accelerate from 0 to 60 mph in 1.9 seconds.
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It has become a sort of running joke, and there are doubts that it will ever come to market despite Tesla’s promise of dozens of free new Roadsters to Tesla owners who participated in its referral program years ago.
Tesla uses the promise of free Roadsters to help generate billions of dollars worth of sales, which Tesla owners delivered, but the automaker never delivered on its part of the agreement.
Furthermore, many people placed deposits ranging from $50,000 to $250,000 to reserve the vehicle, which was supposed to hit the market 5 years ago.
“With respect to Roadster, we’ve completed most of the engineering. And I think there’s still some upgrades we want to make to it, but we expect to be in production with Roadster next year. It will be something special.”
He said that Tesla had completed “most of the engineering”, but he initially said the engineering would be done in 2021 and that was already 3 years after the prototype was unveiled and a year after it was supposed to be in production:
There was one small update about the Roadster in Tesla’s financial results last month.
The automaker has a table of all its vehicle production, and the Roadster was updated from “in development” to “design development” in the table:
It’s not clear if that’s progress or Tesla is just rephrasing it. Either way, it is not “construction”, which makes it unlikely that the Roadster is going into production this year.
If ever…
Electrek’s Take
It looks like Tesla owes about 80 Tesla Roadsters for free to Tesla owners who referred purchases, and it owes significant discounts on hundreds of units.
It’s hard for me to believe that Tesla is not delivering the new Roadster because the vehicle program would start about $100 million in the red, but at this point, I have no idea. It very well might be the reason.
However, I think it’s more likely that Tesla is just terrible at bringing multiple vehicle programs to market simultaneously. Case in point: it launched a single new vehicle in the last five years.
At this point, I think it’s more likely that the Roadster will never happen. It will join other Tesla products like the Cybertruck Range Extender.
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