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Donald Trump is determined to avoid accountability before the general election, and, so far, the U.S. Supreme Court is helping him.

Trump has no legal ground whatsoever to delay a ruling in his plea for presidential immunity. The reason Trump has nevertheless sought to slow down the immunity appeals process is obvious: to postpone the trial date, hopefully pushing it into a time when, as president, he would control the Department of Justice and thus could squash the prosecution altogether. The Supreme Court has shamed itself by being a party to this, when the sole issue before the Court is presidential immunity. By contrast, Special Counsel Jack Smith has both law and policy on his side in seeking a prompt determination on immunity and a speedy trial soon thereafter. Yet the Court has ignored all that.

David A. Graham: The cases against Trumpa guide

The Supreme Courts lollygagging is reflected in its scheduling the immunity case for a leisurely April 25 hearing. Its too late to do anything about that now, but the Court has an opportunity to correct course following oral argument. The justices should press Trumps counsel on what possible legitimate reason he has to oppose a speedy resolution of the appeal. And then they should rule with dispatch because there is still time, albeit barely, to vindicate the publics right to a speedy trial.

Lets recap how we arrived at the present moment. After Judge Tanya Chutkan ruled against Trumps claim of presidential immunity on December 1 and Trump appealed that ruling to the D.C. Circuit, Smith asked the Supreme Court to hear the appeal immediately, leapfrogging the delay of the circuit-level argument and decision. Trump opposed that, and the Supreme Court declined Smiths invitation. The circuit court expedited its appeal and on February 6 issued its decision, again rejecting Trumps immunity argument in toto. Trump then sought a stay in the Supreme Court, and advocated various measures to slow the Courts hearing of the case. The Supreme Court then deliberated for a couple of weeks before accepting the case for review, and not scheduling the argument until two months lateron the very last day of oral arguments for this session.

Were he not seeking to avoid any trial in advance of the general election so he could maximize the chances of becoming the next president of the United States, Trump would have an interest in a speedy resolution of the immunity question, in contrast to the foot-dragging positions he has advocated throughout the litigation of this issue. Anyone with a legitimate claim of immunity has every interest in not suffering a single day more under the opprobrium of multiple criminal charges, not to mention being under pretrial bail conditions and a gag order. (Trumps lawyers have argued against his existing gag order, saying it sweeps so broadly as to undermine their clients ability to campaign for the presidency.)

The law itself recognizes the need for speed on this issue. With questions of immunity, courts permit an appeal in advance of a trial and forgo the usual rule that appeals are permitted only after a verdict is reached. The hope, in allowing for this, is to relieve someone from the opprobrium and burden of a trial, if the defendant is indeed immune. For the Court to set such a prolonged scheduleantithetical to the appropriate time frame for the only issue actually before the justicesspeaks volumes about the role the Court has chosen to play in advancing the interests of the former president over the rule of law.

The government has its own interests in seeking a prompt resolution of the immunity issue and a speedy criminal trial (and it has the same interest as a defendant in not subjecting someone to criminal charges who is immune from prosecution). But before delving into the governments interests, lets first dispense with a red herring: Special Counsel Smith is not disputing that Trump should be accorded sufficient time to prepare for trial. An inviolable constitutional safeguard is that all criminal defendants must be able to exercise their procedural rights to prepare. Judge Chutkan already weighed the parties competing claims. Her decision on a trial date fell well within the mark for similar cases, and that ruling is not on appeal (despite the Supreme Courts behaving as if it were).

The district judges selected timeline (seven months from the August 1 indictment), in a case whose facts and substantial evidence were already available to the defendant, was longer than deadlines set all around the country. By way of comparison, next door in the more conservative Virginia district, defendants routinely go to trial at great speed, without conservative commentators going to the barricades over alleged violations of the rights of the accused. That Trump is a rich, white, and politically powerful man does not mean he should be accorded more (or fewer) rights than others. And Chutkan has said that when the case returns to her, she will give Trump more time to prepare.

David A. Graham: Judge Chutkans impossible choice

With Trumps rights intact, then, Smith has several legitimate grounds for the immunity appeal to be decided expeditiously and a trial to start as promptly as possible. DOJ internal policy prohibits taking action in a case for the purpose of choosing sides in or affecting the outcome of an election. That is unquestionable and not in dispute here. Rather, the point is that well-established neutral criminal-justice principles support a speedy trial. This trials outcome, of course, is not known in advance, and it may lead some voters to think better or worse of the defendant and the current presidential administration depending on the evidence and the outcome.

Moreover, the public has a profound interest in a fair and speedy trial. As Justice Samuel Alito wrote for a unanimous Supreme Court, the Speedy Trial Act was designed not just to benefit defendants but also to serve the public interest. The refrain that justice too long delayed is justice denied has unmistakable resonance in this criminal context. The special counsels briefs in the D.C. case are replete with references to this well-settled case law. This means that even when the accused is seeking to delay his day in court, that does not alter the prosecutors obligation to see to it that the case is brought on for trial, as the Supreme Court has well articulated. Many defendants seek to avoid the day of reckoninghence Edward Bennett Williamss famous quip that for the defense, an adjournment is equivalent to an acquittal. The law provides that the public, the prosecution, and most emphatically the courts need not oblige that stratagem.

Whats more, when a defendant seeks to postpone a trial until a point at which he can no longer be prosecuted, the Justice Department may request the trial be held before that deadline. The DOJs interest in deterrence and accountability warrants this action. If Trump should win the election, he will become immune as president from criminal trial for at least four years (and perhaps forever by seeking dismissal of the federal case with prejudice or testing the efficacy of granting himself a pardon). The Justice Department can accordingly uphold the public interest in deterrence and accountability by seeking the prompt conviction of the leader of an insurrection. This DOJ need not advance the goals of a future administration led by that very oathbreaking insurrectionist.

Another objective of criminal punishment is specific deterrence, ensuring the defendant herself does not commit offenses in the future. Given the grand jurys determination that Trump committed felonies to try to interfere with the 2020 election, there are strong law-enforcement reasons to obtain a conviction to specifically deter Trump. Indeed, in proposing a trial date to Judge Chutkan, Smith quoted Justice Alito, on behalf of the whole Court, that speedy trials serve the public interest by preventing extended pretrial delay from impairing the deterrent effect of punishment.

Trumps public denigration of the legal systemthe incssant claims that the criminal case is a witch huntalso gives a nation committed to the rule of law a vital interest in holding a public trial where a jury can assess Trumps actions. Trials can thus serve to restore faith in the justice system.

It is worth noting that when the government seeks its day in court, it simultaneously affords the defendant his day in courtproviding him more process, not less. Indeed, the Department of Justices so-called 60-day rulewhich generally forbids it from taking overt actions in non-public cases with respect to political candidates and closely related people right before an electionis there to avoid a federal prosecutor hurling untested new allegations against a political candidate precisely because he would not have time to clear his reputation before the election. Here, the government is seeking to provide just that forum for Trump to clear his name before the electionto test the criminal allegations against the highest legal standard we have for adjudicating factsand yet right-wing critics attack Smith. Trump of course wants to avoid that test, but that is an interest the courts should abjure.

The justices still have time to get back on track. Trumps claim that presidents have absolute immunity should be an easy issue to resolve given these criminal charges. Whether a president should have criminal immunity in some specific circumstances is an abstract question for another day, because efforts to stay in office and use the levers of the presidency are certainly not those specific circumstances. The appeals have delayed matters long enough at the expense of the right of the American people to a fair and speedy trial. Let them not stand in the way of ever having a trial at all.

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Open border immigration ‘not pragmatic right now’, says Green Party leader

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Open border immigration 'not pragmatic right now', says Green Party leader

Greens leader Zack Polanski has rejected claims his party would push for open borders on immigration, telling Sky News it is “not a pragmatic” solution for a world in “turmoil”.

Mr Polanski distanced himself from his party’s “long-range vision” for open borders, saying it was not in his party’s manifesto and was an “attack line used by opponents” to question his credibility.

It came as Mr Polanski, who has overseen a spike in support in the polls to double figures, refused to apologise over controversial comments he made about care workers on BBC Question Time that were criticised across the political spectrum.

Mr Polanski was speaking to Sky News earlier this week while in Calais, where he joined volunteers and charities to witness how French police handle the arrival of migrants in the town that is used as a departure point for those wanting to make the journey to the UK.

He told Sky News he had made the journey to the French town – once home to the “Jungle” refugee camp before it was demolished in 2016 – to tackle “misinformation” about migration and to make the case for a “compassionate, fair and managed response” to the small boats crisis.

He said that “no manifesto ever said anything about open borders” and that the Greens had never stood at a general election advocating for them.

“Clearly when the world is in political turmoil and we have deep inequality, that is not a situation we can move to right now,” he said.

More on Green Party

“That would also involve massive international agreements and cooperation. That clearly is not a pragmatic conversation to have right now. And very often the government try to push that attack line to make us look not pragmatic.”

The party’s manifesto last year did not mention open borders, but it did call for an end to the “hostile environment”, more safe and legal routes and for the Home Office to be abolished and replaced with a department of migration.

Asked why the policy of minimal restrictions on migration had been attributed to his party, Mr Polanski said open borders was part of a “long-range vision of what society could look like if there was a Green government and if we’d had a long time to fix some of the systemic problems”.

‘We should recognise the contribution migrants make’

Mr Polanski, who was elected Green Party leader in September and has been compared to Nigel Farage over his populist economic policies, said his position was one of a “fair and managed” migration system – although he did not specify whether that included a cap on numbers.

He acknowledged that there needed to be a “separate conversation” about economic migration but that he did not believe any person who boarded a small boat was in a “good situation”.

While Mr Polanski stressed that he believed asylum seekers should be able to work in Britain and pay taxes, he also said he believed in the need to train British workers in sectors such as care, where one in five are foreign nationals.

Asked what his proposals for a fair and managed migration system looked like, and whether he supported a cap on numbers, Mr Polanski said: “We have 100,000 vacancies in the National Health Service. One in five care workers in the care sector are foreign nationals.

Zack Polanski speaks to Sky News from a warehouse in Calais where charities and organisations provide migrants with essentials.
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Zack Polanski speaks to Sky News from a warehouse in Calais where charities and organisations provide migrants with essentials.

“Now, of course, that is both British workers and we should be training British workers, but we should recognise the contribution that migrants and people who come over here make.”

I’m not going to apologise’

Mr Polanski also responded to the criticism he attracted over his comments about care workers on Question Time last week, where he told the audience: “I don’t know about you, but I don’t particularly want to wipe someone’s bum” – before adding: “I’m very grateful for the people who do this work.”

His comments have been criticised by a number of Labour MPs, including Wes Streeting, the health secretary, who said: “Social care isn’t just ‘wiping someone’s bum’. It is a hard, rewarding, skilled professional job.

“This is immigration as exploitation.”

Read more:
The Greens leader who wants to be the Farage of the left
Will Farage racism allegations deter voters?

Asked whether he could understand why some care workers might feel he had talked down to them, the Greens leader replied: “I care deeply about care workers. When I made those comments, it’s important to give a full context. I said ‘I’m very grateful to people who do this important work’ and absolutely repeat that it’s vital work.”

“Of course, it is not part of the whole job, and I never pretended it was part of the whole job.”

Mr Polanski said he “totally” rejected the suggestion that he had denigrated the role of care workers in the eyes of the public and said his remarks were made in the context of a “hostile Question Time” where he had “three right-wing panellists shouting at me”.

Pressed on whether he wanted to apologise, he replied: “I’m not going to apologise for being really clear that I’m really grateful to the people who do this really vital work. And yes, we should be paying them properly, too.”

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Tension high in Australia as far-right ’emboldened in way never seen before’

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Tension high in Australia as far-right 'emboldened in way never seen before'

As Australia slides into its summer, it is leaving behind months marked by nationwide protests on one major issue – migration.

In August, around 50,000 people demonstrated in towns and cities across the country. There were clashes at separate rallies between far-right and far-left protesters in Melbourne.

In October, there were more protests. This time police accused the far-left of attacking officers and trying to confront right-wing protesters.

Tension on both sides is running high.

Fran Grant, right
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Fran Grant, right

Sydney protester Fran Grant has attended all the rallies.

“I love Australia and I’m not happy with what’s happening now,” she explained.

“It looks like the Labour government are continuing to bring in immigrants. I have no problem with that if we have the infrastructure to support it, but we don’t.”

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Migration levels now falling

During the COVID crisis, Australia introduced strict border closures and migration plummeted.

Then in the years following the pandemic, there was a migration boom. A total of 1.4 million people entered Australia.

These were huge numbers. However, the Australian Bureau of Statistics shows net overseas migration has since fallen by almost 40% since its post-COVID peak.

But many Australians still believe the numbers are still too high.

‘We can’t keep going like this’

Auburn, Sydney
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Auburn, Sydney

Australia’s multicultural heart is in suburbs like Auburn in Sydney, where almost 80% of families use a language other than English at home.

Steve Christou is a Cumberland City councillor and the son of Greek-Cypriot migrants.

“All we’re saying is put a stop to excess immigration until the country’s infrastructure can keep up,” he said. “We can’t keep going like this.”

Steve Christou
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Steve Christou

He added: “We’re not blaming the migrants in the country, let’s be very clear about that. The government is being blamed for letting in 1.4 million migrants in the last three years to the point where the country can’t cope.”

Mr Christou spoke to protesters at the rally in October. There were families, students and seniors in the crowd, flying Australian flags and singing Australian songs.

Critics have called these protests racist, inflammatory and dangerous, but many people attending said they were there to show their pride for Australia and its way of life.

Others were demonstrating against the country’s housing shortage and increasing cost of living.

Neo-Nazi Melbourne march
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Neo-Nazi Melbourne march

Australia’s neo-Nazis emboldened

In August, dozens of Australia’s neo-Nazis also attended the Melbourne and Sydney protests and addressed the crowds.

In Melbourne, migration demonstrations and counter-protests turned violent. Neo-Nazis allegedly attacked an indigenous camp in the city.

Speaking at an anti-racism rally in Sydney, deputy leader of the Australian Greens, Mehreen Faruqi, told Sky News: “The far-right are emboldened in a way that I have never seen before.”

Senator Faruqi was born in Pakistan but has lived in Australia for more than 30 years.

Mehreen Faruqi
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Mehreen Faruqi

“They [far-right] are coming out on the streets, they have signs and slogans and chants that are white supremacists, white nationalists, and of course, this is happening across the world.”

Terrorism and far-right expert, Dr Josh Roose, from Deakin University in Melbourne, said: “We know that the Nazis see this as their time to capitalise.

“They’re not only attending these rallies, but they’re seeking to position themselves at the front, to mobilise people and shape the public conversation by normalising extreme ideas.”

Bec 'Freedom'
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Bec ‘Freedom’

At the “March for Australia” rally in October, organiser Bec “Freedom” told Sky News that the neo-Nazis are “proud Australians .. standing up for our country against mass immigration. So long as they’re not violent, they’re welcome here.

“While they’re at my event, they’ve been told to keep it respectful. No hate speech, no violence, no Hitler talk,” she said.

Read more from Sky News:
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Ms Freedom said she’s “definitely not” coordinating with the neo-Nazis, that she has spoken with them and “that’s as far as it goes”.

Asked if she was worried that the presence of the neo-Nazis at the August rally would give the March for Australia movement a bad name, she replied: “The thing is we’ve been abused, and name-called by the media for so long… If you want to call me a Nazi, then fine, call me a Nazi.”

Other demonstrators said they wanted nothing to do with the neo-Nazis and had no time for the group and its messages.

On 8 November, more than 60 neo-Nazis gathered on the steps of the New South Wales state parliament, holding a banner reading “Abolish the Jewish Lobby”.

The brazen stunt shocked the public and was widely condemned by the state government.

The government is now strengthening laws against public displays of neo-Nazi ideology.

A bill to ban the burqa

One Nation leader Pauline Hanson wears a burqa in the Senate chamber. Pic: AAP/Reuters
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One Nation leader Pauline Hanson wears a burqa in the Senate chamber. Pic: AAP/Reuters

There’s been political controversy too.

In November, Australian senator and leader of the far-right One Nation party, Pauline Hanson, created a political storm when she wore a burqa (a full-face Islamic covering) inside federal parliament.

Ms Hanson is calling for the burqa to be banned in public places. Her party is rising in the polls and drawing disaffected Coalition (or Conservative) voters to its ranks.

At home with Fran Grant and her reptiles

Ms Grant’s home is where she can really express her pride in Australia.

She has an Australian flag flying out the front, an Australian-map-shaped coffee, and a collection of native goannas and snakes.

Ms Grant with snake
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Ms Grant with snake

Ms Grant said being born in Australia, she’s won the “lottery of life” but believes there are too many “economic migrants” coming in.

“I’m very happy for people to come here. My mum was a 10-pound pom (British migrant),” she explained.

“At the moment where the cost of living and housing is so high, instead of just saying ‘racism, racism’ let’s look at what’s best for people who live here now.”

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Crypto groups slam Citadel for urging tighter DeFi tokenization rules

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Crypto groups slam Citadel for urging tighter DeFi tokenization rules

A group of crypto organizations has pushed back on Citadel Securities’ request that the Securities and Exchange Commission tighten regulations on decentralized finance when it comes to tokenized stocks.

Andreessen Horowitz, the Uniswap Foundation, along with crypto lobby groups the DeFi Education Fund and The Digital Chamber, among others, said they wanted “to correct several factual mischaracterizations and misleading statements” in a letter to the SEC on Friday.

The group was responding to a letter from Citadel earlier this month, which urged the SEC not to give DeFi platforms “broad exemptive relief” for offering trading of tokenized US equities, arguing they could likely be defined as an “exchange” or “broker-dealer” regulated under securities laws.

“Citadel’s letter rests on a flawed analysis of the securities laws that attempts to extend SEC registration requirements to essentially any entity with even the most tangential connection to a DeFi transaction,” the group said.

The group added they shared Citadel’s aims of investor protection and market integrity, but disagreed “that achieving these goals always necessitates registration as traditional SEC intermediaries and cannot, in certain circumstances, be met through thoughtfully designed onchain markets.”

Citadel’s ask would be impractical, group says

The group argued that regulating decentralized platforms under securities laws “would be impracticable given their functions” and could capture a broad range of onchain activities that aren’t usually considered as offering exchange services.

The letter also took aim at Citadel’s characterization that autonomous software was an intermediary, arguing it can’t be a “‘middleman’ in a financial transaction because it is not a person capable of exercising independent discretion or judgment.”

Source: DeFi Education Fund

“DeFi technology is a new innovation that was designed to address market risks and resiliency in a different way than traditional financial systems do, and DeFi protects investors in ways that traditional finance cannot,” the group argued.

Related: SEC’s Crenshaw takes aim at crypto in final weeks at agency

In its letter, Citadel had argued that the SEC giving the green light to tokenized shares on DeFi “would create two separate regulatory regimes for the trading of the same security” and would undermine “the ‘technology-neutral’ approach taken by the Exchange Act.”