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(RNS) — The last time the United Methodist Church met for its General Conference, in 2019, there were only seven self-identifying LGBTQ delegates. When the denomination convenes later this month, there will be 26 — enough to form a caucus, which is exactly what they’ve done.

The first-ever United Methodist Queer Delegate Caucus will be among the more visible changes when the denomination’s top legislative body convenes April 23-May 3 in Charlotte, North Carolina.

Though the caucus can only be unofficial in a denomination that still views homosexuality as “incompatible with Christian teaching,” it is organized and ready for the spotlight. It has a website, it plans on convening news conferences and it has already ordered T-shirts and pins.

After a four-year COVID-19 delay, and the departure of about 25% of its U.S. churches, the United Methodist Church is meeting again and the issue of human sexuality is back on the agenda.

The LGBTQ delegates are championing a raft of petitions they hope will eventually lead the U.S. church to extend them greater equality.

“Queer folks have been bearing the weight of the division and the discrimination in this denomination for close to 50 years,” said the Rev. Becca Girrell, pastor of a church in Morrisville, Vermont, and a member of the queer delegate caucus. “And that’s just not a tenable weight to carry any longer for most folks.”

Helen Ryde. (Courtesy photo)

But for this conference, the goals of the caucus are more modest. They include the removal of  contested passages from the denomination’s rulebook, the Book of Discipline, that restrict LGBTQ members from ordination and marriage. The caucus is not calling for new definitions or expressions.

“We’re not seeking at this point to add any affirming language,” said Helen Ryde, a regional organizer with the Reconciling Ministries Network who serves on the caucus’s 10-person steering committee. “This is getting us to neutral. It’s getting us to a level playing field where there’s nothing bad in there. This is not the year to be trying to do any more than that.”

Among those passages in the Book of Discipline is the incompatibility clause that says the denomination “does not condone the practice of homosexuality and considers this practice incompatible with Christian teaching.” There are also passages defining marriage as the union of a man and a woman as well as passages banning the ordination of gay clergy and prohibiting clergy from conducting ceremonies that celebrate same-sex weddings or unions on church property.

The treatment of LGBTQ Christians has torn apart many Protestant denominations but it has plagued the United Methodist Church longer and has led to a deeper rupture.

In 2019, 53% of General Conference delegates voted to tighten the ban on same-sex marriage. But a year later, seeing that more openly gay and lesbian people were getting ordained and married in the church in defiance of the rules (the church now has two openly gay bishops), a traditionalist faction pressed for a separation agreement.

That agreement gave U.S. congregations a four-year window ending in 2023 to leave over “reasons of conscience” and take their property and assets with them. About 7,600 U.S.-based churches left — a loss accounting for 25% of all its U.S. congregations. A little more than half have chosen to affiliate with a splinter group, the Global Methodist Church, which was formed in 2022 as a more theologically conservative alternative.

RELATED: The UMC lost a quarter of its churches — most in the South

With many of those more theologically conservative churches no longer attending General Conference, the queer caucus, along with many of its allies in progressive and centrist circles, is hopeful that change is finally within reach.

Imagery from the United Methodist Queer Delegate Caucus website. (Screen grab)

“Those remaining have a much more generous and expansive understanding of what the body of Christ looks like,” said Bishop Karen Oliveto, who oversees some 300 churches in Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho and is one of two gay bishops in the denomination.

That doesn’t mean there won’t be opposition to removing restrictive LGBTQ passages from the rulebook. The United Methodist Church is a global denomination and many delegates from Africa and Asia will likely resist any changes to the human sexuality clauses.

For that reason, the caucus supports another proposal before the General Conference to restructure the United Methodist Church worldwide to give overseas regions of the church greater equity and allow them to tailor their own customs and traditions to meet local needs. That plan is called regionalization.

If it passes — a yearslong process that will require ratification in each region — Methodists in Africa, Europe, the Philippines and the United States would each be able to customize the Book of Discipline on questions of human sexuality and other nondoctrinal issues.

Members of the new queer caucus say the very act of organizing has renewed their commitment to the denomination.

“It’s been incredible to be in community with other queer delegates who love Jesus, are committed to the gospel and the work of the church and believe that the United Methodist Church can be a home for all, but especially our queer siblings in the faith,” said Derrick Scott III, a 43-year-old gay man who is active in the new caucus and serves as co-lay leader of the Florida Conference of the United Methodist Church.

Methodists have resorted to caucuses to advocate for various causes throughout their history. In the 19th century, abolitionists opposed to slavery formed an unofficial caucus. Later, women advocating for the right to preach and be ordained formed caucuses. The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s saw a surge in the number of caucuses. Several ethnic and racial caucuses have been formally recognized and therefore eligible for church funding. They include Black Methodists for Church Renewal; MARCHA, a Hispanic Methodist caucus; as well as Native American, Asian American and Pacific Islander caucuses.

“Caucuses have generally been a way for people on the ground to have their voices known and heard at General Conference,” said Ashley Boggan, secretary of the denomination’s General Commission on Archives and History.

While there is also an LGBTQ clergy caucus, there has never been a queer caucus consisting of voting delegates to the General Conference, both clergy and lay.

“There have been openly gay delegates for a long time but never really enough for them to come together and say, OK, we’re a thing,” said Ryde. “So the difference is there is enough of us to get together and organize and be a presence and be visible.”

It’s been 52 years since the clause saying homosexuality is “incompatible with Christian teaching” was adopted, and many queer Methodists are hoping 2024 is when it might finally succumb.

“I really, really hope that when it happens, it is experienced as a bit of a nonevent in some parts of the United Methodist Church,” said Scott. “I don’t think that it is the end of any kind of evangelical influence within the United Methodist Church or commitment to historic beliefs. I think it’s just our church saying that LGBTQ+ individuals are children of God and persons of worth who are invited to be a part of the full life and ministry of the United Methodist Church.”

RELATED: Legislation aims to ‘decolonize’ United Methodists, give parity to non-US conferences

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Entertainment

Harvey Weinstein accuser felt ‘the unthinkable was happening’ during alleged assault

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Harvey Weinstein accuser felt 'the unthinkable was happening' during alleged assault

A former TV production assistant has told a court she felt “the unthinkable was happening” during an alleged assault by Harvey Weinstein.

Warning: This article contains references to sexual assault

Miriam Haley is the first of the former movie mogul’s accusers to testify at his retrial, which is taking place as New York’s highest court overturned Weinstein’s 2020 conviction.

The former studio boss, 73, has pleaded not guilty to one charge of rape and two of forcing oral sex. He denies sexually assaulting anyone.

Ms Haley, who also goes by the name Mimi Haleyi, today told the court Weinstein held her down and forced oral sex on her after she told him: “No, no – it’s not going to happen.”

She dabbed her eyes as she recalled in court what went through her mind during the alleged July 2006 assault.

“The unthinkable was happening, I just thought any unthinkable thing could happen,” she said. “I just didn’t know where it ended.”

Weinstein, sitting between his lawyers, shook his head as she spoke.

Ms Haley also testified at Weinstein’s initial trial.

Miriam Haley, an accuser testifying at Harvey Weinstein's rape trial, arrives to the courtroom after a break in New York, Tuesday, April 29, 2025. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
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Miriam Haley arriving to the courtroom yesterday. Pic: AP

She began her testimony yesterday by describing how she got to know Weinstein, saying she had some inappropriate and suggestive interactions with him, while others were polite and professional.

Ms Haley maintains she was always looking to forge a professional connection – not sex or romance – with the Miramax founder.

Read more: What has happened to the #MeToo movement?

Weinstein’s lawyers are yet to question Ms Haley, but the defence has sought, often unsuccessfully, to object to prosecutors’ questions, such as whether Ms Haley had any sexual interest in the then-powerful producer. She said she did not.

The defence has argued that all of Weinstein’s accusers consented to sexual activities with him in the hopes of getting work in show business.

The 73-year-old’s retrial includes charges based on allegations from Haley and Jessica Mann, an actress who alleges Weinstein raped her in 2013.

For the first time, he is also being tried on an allegation of forcing oral sex on a former model, Kaja Sokola, in 2006.

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Politics

UK joins US in strike on Houthi target in Yemen for first time since Donald Trump re-elected

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UK joins US in strike on Houthi target in Yemen for first time since Donald Trump re-elected

The UK has joined US forces in attacking a Houthi target in Yemen for the first time since Donald Trump was re-elected.

The Ministry of Defence (MoD) confirmed the strikes took place on Tuesday as part of the government’s response to Houthi attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

The ministry said careful intelligence analysis identified a cluster of buildings used by the Houthis to manufacture the sort of drones used to attack ships, located 15 miles south of the capital Sanaa.

RAF Typhoon FGR4s conducted strikes on several buildings using Paveway IV precision-guided bombs.

The planes had air refuelling support from Voyager tankers.

The ministry said the strike was conducted after dark to reduce the likelihood of civilians being in the area.

All the aircraft returned safely.

John Healey during the press conference.
Pic: Reuters
Image:
John Healey. Pic: Reuters

Defence Secretary John Healey said: “This government will always act in the interests of our national and economic security.

“Royal Air Force Typhoons have successfully conducted strikes against a Houthi military target in Yemen and all UK aircraft and personnel have returned safely to base.

“We conducted these strikes, supported by the US, to degrade Houthi capabilities and prevent further attacks against UK and international shipping.”

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Houthis a ‘persistent threat’ to ‘freedom of navigation’

Mr Healey said Houthi activities in the Red Sea are a “persistent threat” to “freedom of navigation”.

“A 55% drop in shipping through the Red Sea has already cost billions, fuelling regional instability and risking economic security for families in the UK,” he said.

“The government is steadfast in our commitment to reinforcing global stability and protecting British working people. I am proud of the dedication and professionalism shown by the service men and women involved in this operation.”

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US intensifies strikes on Houthis

It was the first time UK forces have struck a target in Yemen since May last year, the ministry confirmed.

The US has intensified its strikes on the Iran-backed Houthis under Mr Trump’s presidency, after his re-election in November 2024.

The group began launching attacks on shipping routes in November 2023 saying they were in solidarity with Palestinians over Israel’s war with Hamas in Gaza.

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Houthi rebels allege US airstrike hit prison

The strike came after a Houthi-controlled TV channel claimed a US strike killed 68 people at a detention centre for African migrants in Yemen on Monday.

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Politics

Labour promised MPs a vote on Trump trade deal – now Starmer doesn’t seem so sure

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Labour promised MPs a vote on Trump trade deal - now Starmer doesn't seem so sure

Will MPs get a vote on a trade deal with Donald Trump?

It used to be Labour policy, though Sir Keir Starmer didn’t sound keen on the idea at Prime Minister’s Questions.

The PM was challenged, first by Lib Dem MP Clive Jones, who wants a guarantee that parliament has the final say on any trade deal, including one with the US.

“This idea is not new,” said Clive, who used to be a director of various toy companies, and was president, chairman and director of the British Toy and Hobby Association, no less.

“It’s exactly what Labour promised to do in an official policy paper put forward in 2021, so I am asking this government to keep their promise,” he continued.

And, toying with the PM, he complained: “Currently, members of parliament have no vote or voice on trade deals.”

In reply, Sir Keir gave one of those non-answers we’re becoming used to at PMQs, saying rather tetchily: “As he knows, parliament has a well-established role in scrutinising and ratifying trade deals.”

More on Keir Starmer

Later, Sir Ed Davey had a go. “Will the government give MPs a vote on the floor of the House on any deal he agrees with President Trump? Yes or no?” he asked.

He fared no better. Sir Keir said again: “If it is secured, it will go through the known procedures for this House.”

Read more on the trade deal:
US ‘positive’ on talks

Deal ‘possible’ but not ‘certain’

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Chancellor’s trade deal red lines explained

So what are parliament’s “well-established role” and “the known procedures”? And what exactly did Labour promise in opposition back in 2021?

The 2021 promise was, in fact, one of those worthy pledges parties make in opposition and then either conveniently forget about or water down when they’re in government. U-turn if you want to.

The policy paper referred to by Mr Jones was: “Labour’s trade policy: putting workers first” – published in September 2021 by Emily Thornberry when she was shadow international trade secretary.

The secretary of state at the time was none other than Liz Truss. Whatever happened to her? Come to think of it, whatever happened to Emily Thornberry?

Back then idealistic Emily declared in her policy paper: “We will reform the parliamentary scrutiny of trade agreements…

“So that MPs have a guaranteed right to debate the proposed negotiating objectives for future trade deals, and a guaranteed vote on the resulting agreements…”

A guaranteed vote. Couldn’t be clearer. And there was more from Emily.

“…with sufficient time set aside for detailed scrutiny both of the draft treaty texts and of accompanying expert analysis on the full range of implications, including for workers’ rights.”

Sufficient time for detailed scrutiny. Again, couldn’t be clearer.

Pic: PA
Image:
Starmer was pushed on the deal at PMQs. Pic: PA

Then came a section headed: Parliamentary Scrutiny of Trade Deals.

“The Constitutional Reform and Governance Act 2010 (CRAG) dictates that international treaties (including trade agreements) must be laid before parliament for a period of 21 sitting days before they can become law,” we were told back then.

“At present, a treaty can only be challenged and (temporarily) rejected by means of an opposition day debate, if one is granted by the government within that time.

“The CRAG legislation was agreed by parliament before Brexit was on the horizon. Its procedures for the ratification of trade treaties, which were then negotiated and agreed at EU level, were given no consideration during the passage of the Act, and no one envisaged that they would become the mechanism for parliamentary scrutiny of the government’s post-Brexit trade deals…

“Despite the flagrant evidence of the inadequacy of the CRAG Act to allow proper oversight of trade deals, the government repeatedly blocked numerous cross-party proposals to improve the processes for parliamentary scrutiny and approval during passage of the 2021 Trade Act.

“A future Labour government will return to those proposals, and learn from best practice in other legislatures, to ensure that elected MPs have all the time, information and opportunity they need to debate and vote on the UK’s trade deals, both before negotiations begin and after they conclude.”

So what’s changed from the heady days of Liz Truss as trade secretary and Labour’s bold pledges in opposition? Labour’s in government now, that’s what. Hence the U-turn, it seems.

Parliament’s role may be, as Sir Keir told MPs, “well-established”. But that, according to opponents, is the problem. It’s contrary to what Labour promised in opposition.

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Sir Ed hit back at the PM: “I’m very disappointed in that reply. There was no ‘yes’ or ‘no’ response. We do want a vote, and we will keep pressing him and his government on that.”

And true to their word, Mr Jones and another Lib Dem MP, Richard Foord, have already tabled private member’s bills demanding a final say on any trade deal with President Trump.

Watch this space. And also watch out for Labour MPs also backing demands for a Commons vote on a Trump trade deal before long.

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