Spending $100 on groceries won’t fill up the shopping cart as much as it did five years ago.
Inflation-battered shoppers now need to spend $137 for the same basket of staples that they were able to buy for $100 in 2019, according to an analysis by The Wall Street Journal.
Soaring prices have become a central issue in the upcoming election, with Bidenomics being blamed by Republicans for sapping Americans’ paychecks.
In 2019, during Donald Trump’s presidency, the average price of a dozen eggs was $2.36 — or $1.48 cheaper than the $3.84 average cost today under Joe Biden.
Laundry detergent, meanwhile, has seen one of the largest price jumps today compared to five years ago.
In 2019, a bottle of detergent cost on average $7.83. Today, it costs $10.66 — an increase of $2.83.
Other vital items like milk, butter, cereal and toilet paper have also soared.
A gallon of milk cost $2.73 in 2019, but is $0.52 more expensive today, at $3.25.
Butter, which sold for $3.78 on average five years ago, is nearly $1 more expensive today — as are a bag of potato chips, which have spiked to $3.26, compared with $2.26 in 2019.
Cereal, which cost $3.36 on average in 2019, is now $1.14 more expensive — pricing out at $4.50.
Toilet paper, which was cost $7.08 five years ago, now costs $9.75 — an increase of $2.67.
Frozen pizza, which cost $3.77 on average in 2019, would now set you back $5.15 — or $1.38 more.
Strawberry jam and peanut butter saw their prices rise by more than $1 compared to 2019.
Inflation remains stubbornly high, though well off the 40-year rate of 9.1%s hit in 2022.
Februarys Consumer Price Index which tracks changes in the costs of everyday goods and services came in at 3.2%, a tick higher than the 3.1% headline inflation figure economists surveyed by FactSet expected.
Last week, the core Personal Consumption Expenditures Index the Feds preferred inflation gauge which excludes volatile food and energy prices rose 0.3% in February and 2.8% year-over-year highlighting the difficulty in getting prices under control.
The most recent inflation report found that grocery prices increased by 1% in February compared to a year prior.
In February 2023, grocery prices shot up by 10.2% compared to a year prior.
In the pre-pandemic period, the rate of price increases was much smaller. In February 2019, grocery prices rose 1.2% year-over-year.
In the last three years, grocery prices have risen 21%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Fed Chair Jerome Powell said on Wednesday that the central bank remains committed to its strategy of cutting interest rates later this year.
Mets owner Steve Cohen, who made his fortune as a hedge fund manager, told CNBC on Wednesday that he foresees a tough road ahead for the Fed in its effort to bring inflation closer to its 2% goal.
And tens of billions of pounds of borrowing depends on the answer – which still feels intriguingly opaque.
You might think you know what the fiscal rules are. And you might think you know they’re not negotiable.
For instance, the main fiscal rule says that from 2029-30, the government’s day-to-day spending needs to be in surplus – i.e. rely on taxation alone, not borrowing.
And Rachel Reeves has been clear – that’s not going to change, and there’s no disputing this.
But when the government announced its fiscal rules in October, it actually published a 19-page document – a “charter” – alongside this.
And this contains all sorts of notes and caveats. And it’s slightly unclear which are subject to the “iron clad” promise – and which aren’t.
There’s one part of that document coming into focus – with sources telling me that it could get changed.
And it’s this – a little-known buffer built into the rules.
This says that from spring 2027, if the OBR forecasts that she still actually has a deficit of up to 0.5% of GDP in three years, she will still be judged to be within the rules.
In other words, if in spring 2027 she’s judged to have missed her fiscal rules by perhaps as much as £15bn, that’s fine.
Image: A change could save the chancellor some headaches. Pic: PA
Now there’s a caveat – this exemption only applies, providing at the following budget the chancellor reduces that deficit back to zero.
But still, it’s potentially helpful wiggle room.
This help – this buffer – for Reeves doesn’t apply today, or for the next couple of years – it only kicks in from the spring of 2027.
But I’m being told by a source that some of this might change and the ability to use this wiggle room could be brought forward to this year. Could she give herself a get out of jail card?
The chancellor could gamble that few people would notice this technical change, and it might avoid politically catastrophic tax hikes – but only if the markets accept it will mean higher borrowing than planned.
But the question is – has Rachel Reeves ruled this out by saying her fiscal rules are iron clad or not?
Or to put it another way… is the whole of the 19-page Charter for Budget Responsibility “iron clad” and untouchable, or just the rules themselves?
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Is Labour plotting a ‘wealth tax’?
And what counts as “rules” and are therefore untouchable, and what could fall outside and could still be changed?
I’ve been pressing the Treasury for a statement.
And this morning, they issued one.
A spokesman said: “The fiscal rules as set out in the Charter for Budget Responsibility are iron clad, and non-negotiable, as are the definition of the rules set out in the document itself.”
So that sounds clear – but what is a definition of the rule? Does it include this 0.5% of GDP buffer zone?
The Treasury does concede that not everything in the charter is untouchable – including the role and remit of the OBR, and the requirements for it to publish a specific list of fiscal metrics.
But does that include that key bit? Which bits can Reeves still tinker with?
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