We are rushing down the beach. In the gloom just before dawn, people are waiting by the seashore, a few hundred metres away.
We can see a dinghy out at sea. And then a voice rings out, in Kurdish.
“Whose passengers are you?”
In the half-light, the people smuggler thinks we are customers here to clamber on to the boat, and wants to know who we had paid.
We tell him we’re journalists.
“Keep out of the way,” he warns.
There are several dozen people gathered together, standing on the shoreline, moving anxiously from side to side.
Image: Migrants wait for a dinghy as they prepare to cross the Channel to reach the UK
I can see some women and children, but most of the passengers are men.
Some are clinging to a bag of possessions; others have nothing but the clothes they stand in. A man has his child held up on his shoulders.
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Just about everyone is wearing a life jacket.
Just beyond, the boat is coming near the shore, already half full of people.
It seems impossible that all the people on the land can really fit into the space left in the boat, but that’s what happens.
On a signal, the movement starts – the younger men clamber in first, and then help the women, children and older people to get into the boat.
It all happens remarkably quickly. From a distance, migrant boats may look ramshackle and chaotic, but when you get up close, there is method and practice.
Some people jump off; the men who didn’t have life jackets on.
It becomes clear that these are the smugglers – or, more accurately, the smugglers’ assistants who have been sent to sort things out.
On one side, we see a moment of tension as two passengers square up – one accuses the other of not leaving a space for him to get aboard.
Image: A shoe left in the sand following the attempted crossing
It is a faintly ridiculous squabble, like something between two drunk men in a pub, and it blows over. They end up sitting next to each other, brooding.
And then the engine is started and the boat sets off. At first, it’s a failure – the boat, low in the water with around 70 people on board, gets stuck on a small bar of sand and spins around.
But, with a push here and there, it gets going and slowly chugs away into the mist of the morning.
‘Migrants are desperate’
We turn around. The smugglers are leaving. We shout a question – are all these people Kurds?
“All of them,” he says. “These are the last Kurdish customers I have. There are no more.”
“Why not?”
And his answer is one succinct word: “Rwanda.”
The smugglers, dressed in black, disappear into the gloom.
We can just about see them clambering into the dunes, and then they are gone. It is a good ten minutes before we see the police – four officers marching down the beach.
They ask only two questions – firstly, did we see women and children on the boat (yes) and secondly, had the boat been launched from the beach (no).
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They’d only just started their patrol, one of the officers tells me. He looks at the calm waters and shrugs. It could be busy.
Over the course of that night, we had seen plenty of police officers. We’d been questioned on the beach, checked as we walked near the beach and then pulled over at a road block.
We’d chatted with a team of CRS riot officers on the beach, one of whom bemoaned the fact that so few people grasped the sheer complexity of what they took on.
“It is so, so complicated – the migrants are desperate, and they can get everywhere. We cannot have a team in every place, at every time.”
It turned out that the road block officers were exactly the same team who we’d met on a different beach the previous evening.
“Ah, Sky News you are back,” he said, with a smile and a handshake.
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We meet two young Sudanese men who tell us they are determined to get to Britain. When I ask if they’re worried about the Rwanda plan, they look blank. They’ve never heard of it.
And then we drop into a migrant camp that is growing in size and bump into another group of Kurds.
They are cooking food – this is the cafe for the migrants – and brewing tea that is strong, and scented with cinnamon.
They give me a cup. It’s delicious.
Omar is kneading dough, making crispy flatbread, and serving it with yoghurt. And he talks as he cooks, serving a remarkable story.
Image: At a migrant camp in France that is growing in size, people kneed bread
Two years ago, Omar left Kurdistan and paid a smuggler $15,000 (£12,000) to get him to Britain. He was there for 20 months, suffered a stroke, failed to gain asylum and ended up paying a smuggler £500 to get him out of Britain and back to this squalid camp in France.
Yes, you read that correctly. He paid to be smuggled out of Britain, and back to France.
“Here there is no washing or bath,” he says.
“You can’t clean yourself. Life is hard. But in Britain I had to give my fingerprints and signature regularly. Once every two weeks.
Image: Omar, who paid to be smuggled out of the UK after a failed asylum claim, speaks to Adam Parsons
“Then I was told they had turned me down for asylum. I couldn’t cope with Britain anymore.
“They could arrest me and send me to Rwanda or Iraq. Rwanda – I cannot go there.
“So that’s why I came back here, to this place. But I have no money. I am 52 years old. It’s a terrible feeling to be back here, but what can I do?”
Listening to him is Barzan, who arrived in the camp five days ago after eight months on the road since leaving Kurdistan.
By striking contrast, he is not remotely bothered by the Rwanda plan.
“People won’t stop, whatever you tell them.
“Even if you tell them they will be taken to Africa, they would still go without hesitation. Rwanda is better than Kurdistan.
“But in Britain there is work. The currency is strong. I’m young and I want to make a life for myself.”
Another voice is raised – a man named Karwan.
Image: A man named Karwan, who wants to cross the Channel from France to the UK
He hears the word Rwanda, shrugs, smiles and shakes his head: “I think it’s a joke. Two years ago they started going on about Rwanda and nothing came of it.
“Now, it’s just for the sake of the election. Nothing else.”
Brian Miller, 29, Scott Henderson, 40, Barry Murray, 45, and Carri Stewart, 44, were on Monday found guilty of murder following a trial at the High Court in Glasgow.
Image: Brian Miller. Pic: Police Scotland
Image: Scott Henderson. Pic: Police Scotland
The killers were each handed a life sentence, and will spend at least two decades behind bars.
In her sentencing statement, Judge Lady Haldane said the evidence provided a “compelling picture of a plan to inflict serious violence upon Mr Hutton in his own home”.
Image: Barry Murray. Pic: Police Scotland
Image: Carri Stewart. Pic: Police Scotland
The judge described it as a “frenzied assault”, which in part was sparked due to a “missing packet of Pregabalin medication”.
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‘Callous’ behaviour
Lady Haldane stated: “Steven Hutton lost his life in these horrific circumstances, compounded by the fact that not one of you sought to seek assistance for him as he lay dying until you were all well clear of the property.
“That is behaviour that can only be described as callous.”
The judge paid tribute to Mr Hutton’s family and friends.
She added: “Those close to Mr Hutton, in particular his mother, have attended faithfully every day of this trial, and their quiet dignity throughout what must have been at times harrowing and distressing evidence stands in stark contrast to your behaviour.
“Mrs Hutton has in addition provided a detailed and moving account of her relationship with Mr Hutton, her only son, and the impact his loss has had upon her.
“I thank her for taking the time to prepare this thoughtful document, and I have taken all that she has said into account.”
Detective Inspector Richard Baird said the killers “now face the consequences of their actions”.
He added: “This was an unprovoked attack that cost Steven Hutton his life. We hope this conviction brings some form of comfort to Steven’s family.”
A new report into the activities of the top British spy inside the IRA during The Troubles has said that he “committed crimes of the worst possible kind”, including torture and murder, and should be publicly named by the UK government.
It’s widely accepted that the late republican Freddie Scappaticci was the agent, codenamed “Stakeknife”.
He headed the IRA‘s so-called “nutting squad”, a notorious internal security unit tasked with hunting and executing informants, but was himself operating as a mole for British intelligence.
The final report of a seven-year investigation named Operation Kenova has found that “there is a compelling ethical case” to reveal the agent’s identity.
Head of Kenova Sir Iain Livingstone said that “it is in the public interest that Stakeknife is named”. He urged the government to depart from its “neither confirm nor deny” (NCND) policy on the grounds of public interest.
It’s understood that the government believes Stakeknife cannot be officially named at this time due to some outstanding legal issues. Sky News has approached No 10 Downing Street for comment.
Freddie Scappaticci died two years ago denying that he was the agent, but all sides in Northern Ireland accept his denial was false.
Image: Freddie Scappaticci. File pic: PA
The report also found a “significant failure” by MI5 in its late provision of materials to the investigation. “The further material revealed MI5 had earlier and greater knowledge of the agent than previously stated,” the report says.
Sir Ian Livingstone added that “further investigative opportunities were undoubtedly lost”, and that the confidence of the communities in Northern Ireland was undermined. Sky News has approached the security agency for comment.
Stakeknife produced a “vast” amount of intelligence. 3,517 reports from the agent were discovered, including 377 from one 18-month period. But the report found the intelligence was not shared with those who could have used it to save lives.
Analysis: Report exposes failure upon failure, decade after decade
He was the most notorious spy of the Troubles. A vicious spy-catcher who was a traitor himself.
Today’s final report into the activities of “Stakeknife” will continue to gall the victims of the IRA’s brutal internal system of “justice”.
We were familiar with many of its findings from last year’s interim report.
We knew Stakeknife’s record in saving lives – the necessary evil school of thought – was greatly exaggerated, and he actually cost more lives than he saved.
We knew his British security forces handlers failed to use intelligence to save lives, in order to protect their “golden egg” from exposure.
We didn’t know their special unit was called “the rat hole”, or that the agent’s betrayal was effectively carried out for financial reward… details that make the whole episode seem even more sordid.
Relatives of those he helped to murder will be disgusted at revelations that his handlers twice took him on holiday out of Northern Ireland – even flying him on military aircraft – at a time when the police were hunting him for murder.
Even now, after an exhaustive inquiry into his activities, Operation Kenova finds that MI5 are responsible for “a significant failure” in the late discovery of important material – costing the team investigative opportunities.
Failure upon failure, decade after decade.
The time for official silence over the spy’s identity must be over.
The dogs on the street in West Belfast know it was Freddie Scappaticci.
Kenova wants the prime minister to authorise his official naming. With no prosecutions in the offing, and Scappaticci in his grave, it may at least bring some succour to the victims’ families today.
Their loved ones were deemed traitors at the height of a dirty war. Tortured, shot in the head, and dumped.
Funerals were low-key, stigma-bound affairs, often taking place early in the morning, with few attendees. Shame hung over these republican families for years.
The man responsible fled Northern Ireland and died in hiding.
Today’s report contains few shocks, but similarly little comfort for the victims of the nutting squad.
Last year, Operation Kenova’s interim report found the security forces were frequently aware of imminent abductions and murders but failed to protect those at risk.
Today’s report found his army handlers even took Stakeknife out of Northern Ireland for two holidays, at a time when he was sought by police for murder and kidnapping. He was flown on military aircraft and given military ID.
As a result, preventable deaths occurred with the security forces’ knowledge and those responsible were not brought to justice and were instead left free to reoffend.
Image: Investigation lead Sir Iain Livingstone and Northern Irish police chief Jon Boutcher speak at a conference following the report
‘Wholly unjustified criminality’
The 2024 report also concluded that Stakeknife was involved in “very serious and wholly unjustifiable criminality”, including murder, and claims his intelligence saved “countless” or “hundreds” of lives were exaggerated. It found that the number of lives saved by his spying ranged from the high single figures to low double figures.
This contradicted claims that Scappaticci had saved hundreds of lives during the years he was active, with a former defence chief describing him as “the goose that laid the golden eggs”. The interim report found that claim to be “inherently implausible” and “a comparison rooted in fables and fairy tales”.
The 2024 report also called on the UK government to apologise to bereaved families, given that many murders were avoidable.
‘Each evil act being the epitome of cowardice’
There was also a call for an apology from republican leaders for “the most shameful and evil” actions of the Provisional IRA (PIRA). “It was PIRA that committed the brutal acts of torture and murder, each evil act being the epitome of cowardice,” the report stated.
No prosecutions connected with Stakeknife will take place, prosecutors in Northern Ireland have already decided.
Families of IRA victims associated with Stakeknife will give their response to the Kenova report in a news conference later today.
They want Scappaticci to be officially named, and many are seeking an apology from the British government.
A public inquiry into the murder of a woman is now formally under way and will examine what went wrong in the police investigation that allowed a serial rapist to evade justice for almost 20 years.
Iain Packer murdered Emma Caldwell, 27, in 2005.
In February 2024, he was ordered to serve a minimum of 36 years behind bars after being convicted of a string of violent offences.
Alongside double-murderer Andrew Innes, it is the second longest sentence ever handed down by a Scottish court, behind the 37-year minimum jail term given to World’s End killer Angus Sinclair in 2014.
Image: Iain Packer. Pic: Police Scotland
Packer was found guilty of 33 offences following a trial at the High Court in Glasgow, including Ms Caldwell’s murder, 11 rapes and multiple sexual assaults against other women.
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Police interviewing Packer following his arrest over Ms Caldwell’s murder
The Scottish government last year ordered a judge-led public inquiry into the police handling of the case, which will be chaired by Lord Scott.
In an update on Tuesday, Justice Secretary Angela Constance announced it has now been formally set up and work is under way.
The inquiry will examine the investigative strategy and decision-making by what was then Strathclyde Police, including the direction given by the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service (COPFS).
It will probe what steps could reasonably have been taken that might have resulted in Packer being apprehended and prosecuted at an earlier stage, and any other factors relevant to the circumstances of the investigation and related prosecution.
The inquiry will also examine if any failings in training, procedures, operating models or systems of working contributed to any failures in the police and COPFS case.
The subsequent findings and any recommendations will be reported to Scottish ministers.
Image: Justice Secretary Angela Constance. Pic: PA
Ms Constance said: “My thoughts continue to be with Emma Caldwell’s mother Margaret and her family, who have suffered unimaginable heartbreak.
“The public inquiry will look at what went wrong in the investigation of Emma’s murder and I hope it will provide the answers that the family need and deserve.
“I consulted with the chair, Lord Scott, on the terms of reference for the inquiry and also met the Caldwell family and other parties to discuss the inquiry’s remit.
“While these terms do not feature all of the issues raised with me during discussions, I am satisfied that they are both well focused and sufficiently flexible and broad enough to allow the chair to examine wider issues he may consider relevant to a robust, efficient and effective inquiry.”
Image: Ms Caldwell. Pic: Family handout
Ms Caldwell vanished in April 2005 just days after telling her mother about her hopes to defeat a heroin addiction, which began after her sister’s death.
She went missing in Glasgow while working as a sex worker. Her body was discovered the following month in Limefield Woods, South Lanarkshire.
Image: During Packer’s trial, jurors were taken to the forest where Ms Caldwell’s body was dumped. Pic: Sky News
Investigating officers interviewed Packer that June but he was not convicted until almost two decades later after cold case detectives re-examined the case in 2015.
Police Scotland apologised to Ms Caldwell’s family and Packer’s other victims for how the original inquiry was handled by Strathclyde Police, saying they were “let down”.
Image: Margaret Caldwell, Ms Caldwell’s mother. Pic: PA
Margaret Caldwell, Ms Caldwell’s mother, has never given up on her pursuit of the truth.
Solicitor Aamer Anwar, the family’s lawyer, said: “The reference to Strathclyde Police in the terms of reference may be interpreted by some to mean that the inquiry can only deal with the police force up until, but not beyond when it became Police Scotland.
“Strathclyde Police ceased on 1 April 2013 when it merged into a single national service, as Police Scotland.
“If this inquiry is to pursue the truth, then it must look not only at Strathclyde Police, but what happened when Police Scotland took over responsibility.”
Image: Solicitor Aamer Anwar (centre) alongside Ms Caldwell’s family earlier this year. Pic: PA
Mr Anwar said Packer’s survivors “deserve their place at the heart of this inquiry”.
He added: “A toxic culture of misogyny and corruption meant the police failed so many women and girls who came forward to speak up against Packer.
“Instead of receiving justice and compassion, they were humiliated, dismissed and in some instances arrested, whilst the police gifted freedom to an evil predator to rape and rape again.”