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The establishment of Great British Energy is among the last remnants of the ‘green prosperity plan’ devised and championed by Ed Miliband, the shadow secretary of state for energy security and net zero, three years ago.

The former Labour leader’s vision was to spend £28bn per year in the first five years of an incoming Labour government on decarbonising the UK economy.

However, as the current leader Sir Keir Starmer recognised, the issue was swiftly weaponised by the Conservatives because all the money – as Mr Miliband himself had made clear – would have been borrowed.

More importantly, the plan did not survive contact with Rachel Reeves, the shadow chancellor, who has made fiscal responsibility her priority.

The £28bn-a-year spending pledge was watered down in February this year to one of £23.7bn over the life of the next parliament.

A sizeable chunk of that will be on Great British Energy, described by Mr Miliband as “a new publicly owned clean power company”, which Labour has said will be initially capitalised at £8.3bn.

And, instead of the money being borrowed, Labour is now saying “it will be funded by asking the big oil and gas companies to pay their fair share through a proper windfall tax”.

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What’s a windfall tax and what’s it got to do with green energy?

Before going further, it’s worth explaining what the current windfall tax is.

The existing ‘temporary energy profits levy‘ was launched by Rishi Sunak, as chancellor, in May 2022 and imposed an extra 25% tax on the profits earned by companies from the production of oil and gas in the UK and on the UK Continental Shelf in the North Sea.

Due to expire at the end of 2025, it raised £2.6bn during its first year.

Jeremy Hunt, as chancellor, raised the levy to 35% from the beginning of last year and extended its life to the end of March 2028. That ‘sunset clause’ was extended to the end of March 2029 in Mr Hunt’s spring budget earlier this year.

It effectively means that the total tax burden on North Sea oil and gas producers is now 75%.

Labour made clear in February this year that this would rise to 78%. It also plans to remove some of the investment incentives Mr Sunak put in place when it announced the current windfall tax.

That will undoubtedly have consequences.

Offshore Energies UK, the industry body, has said that, in its first year, the existing energy profits levy led to more than 90% of North Sea oil producers cutting spending. It has warned that Labour’s plans could cost 42,000 jobs in the North Sea and some £26bn in economic value.

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So the increase in the windfall levy will have consequences for the overall tax take.

It is therefore important for Labour to make clear what changes in investment and hiring it is factoring in from companies operating in the North Sea as a result of higher taxation.

The big operators are already deserting the region. It was reported this week that Shell and Exxon Mobil are close to selling their jointly-controlled UK North Sea gas fields – marking the US giant’s final exit from the North Sea after 60 years.

And Harbour Energy, the biggest independent operator in the North Sea, has slashed investment in the region, along with hundreds of jobs, since the energy profits levy was introduced. It too is seeking to diversify away from the North Sea – having seen the energy profits levy wipe out its entire annual profits during the first year of the impost.

What will Great British Energy even own?

The second big question is what assets will be owned by Great British Energy.

Labour said overnight: “Great British Energy’s early investments will include wind and solar projects in communities up and down the country as well as making Scotland a world-leader in cutting edge technologies such as floating offshore wind, hydrogen, and CCS (carbon capture and storage).”

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What is unclear, though, is whether this will involve buying existing assets from private sector operators, building new assets from scratch or co-investing in new projects.

It is worth asking the question because only the latter of these two options will actually add to the UK’s energy generation and storage capacity.

And, if it is to be the second or third options, the question is what return on capital employed Great British Energy will be seeking to achieve.

A risk that money could be wasted

All commercial operators seek to achieve a return on capital which exceeds their cost of capital.

Now, as a sovereign debt issuer with a good credit rating, the UK government enjoys a lower cost of capital than most corporates. But there will still be a nagging concern – given the traditionally poor stewardship of state-owned enterprises in the UK – that, without the discipline imposed by having shareholders, some of the money will be wasted.

Investments of this kind are risky and volatile.

An example of this came last week when SSE, one of the UK’s biggest and best-run renewable energy generating companies, admitted that Dogger Bank A, its giant wind project off the Yorkshire coast, will not be fully operational until next year rather than this year.

Is it needed when billions are being spent on green investments?

A third question is why, precisely, Great British Energy is needed at all.

The UK is already decarbonising more rapidly than any other major economy and is also investing heavily.

The Department for Energy and Net Zero recently estimated that there will be some £100bn worth of private investment put towards the UK’s energy transition by 2030.

National Grid announced only last week that it plans to invest £31bn in the UK on the transition between now and the end of the decade.

SSE is investing £18bn in renewable capacity in the five years to 2026-27. Scottish Power, another of the big renewable energy companies, recently announced plans to invest £12bn between now and 2028.

So it is not entirely obvious why a comparatively small state-owned company is even necessary.

Energy security and cost

Labour’s justification is partly based on energy security – Sir Keir has in the past queried why a Swedish state-owned power company, Vattenfall, should be the biggest investor in onshore wind in Wales – and partly on prices.

It said overnight: “Great British Energy is part of our mission to make Britain a clean energy superpower by 2030 – helping families save £300 per year off their energy bills.”

Again, though, this raises further questions.

Mark McAllister, the chairman of energy regulator Ofgem, told the Financial Times this week that energy bills were unlikely to fall substantially over the decade partly due to the costs of building out the electricity network to support the transition to renewables.

He told the FT: said: “As we build in more and more renewables, we’re also building in the price, amortised over many years, of the networks as well.

“If we look at the forecasts for wholesale prices and then build on top of that the costs of the network going forward, I think we see something in our view that is relatively flat in the medium term.”

And that begs the biggest question of all, not just for Labour, but for all the parties: why is it being left to a regulator, rather than the politicians, to spell out the costs to households of the energy transition?

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Business confidence ‘at two-year low’ as tax hikes loom

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Business confidence 'at two-year low' as tax hikes loom

More than half of private sector firms are planning price hikes to help offset looming tax increases announced in the chancellor’s first budget , according to a corporate lobby group.

The British Chambers of Commerce (BCC) warned business confidence was at its lowest level since the market meltdown that followed the Conservatives’ mini budget of autumn 2022.

Its survey of almost 5,000 firms found worries about tax stood at levels not seen since 2017.

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Labour had fought a growth-focused election on the back of an improved working relationship with business but there was a widespread sense of shock when the 30 October budget put businesses on the hook for the bulk of £40bn of tax increases.

The new government argued the hikes were necessary to lock in long overdue investment in public services due to an alleged black hole in the public finances inherited from the Tories.

But companies widely warned the higher costs, from measures such as higher employer National Insurance contributions and National Living Wage increases from April, would be passed on to customers and hit wage growth, employment and investment.

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At a time when the Bank of England is struggling to cut interest rates due to stubborn cost pressures in the economy, there will be concern among policymakers over the threat posed by potential business price hikes ahead.

The BCC survey found 55% of companies were planning to raise their own sales costs.

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HMV owner slams budget ‘burden’

Such a move would threaten further upwards pressure on inflation while weak business confidence will also do little to lift the economy out of the doldrums witnessed during the second half of 2024 when government warnings of a “tough” budget ahead were widely blamed for hitting sentiment.

Financial markets currently see just a 60% chance of a Bank rate cut at the next meeting in a month’s time.

BCC director general Shevaun Haviland said: “The worrying reverberations of the budget are clear to see in our survey data. Businesses’ confidence has slumped in a pressure cooker of rising costs and taxes.

“Firms of all shapes and sizes are telling us the national insurance hike is particularly damaging. Businesses are already cutting back on investment and say they will have to put up prices in the coming months.

“The government is rightly coming up with long-term strategies on industry, infrastructure and trade. But those plans won’t help businesses struggling now.

“Business stands ready to work in partnership to make the proposed Employment Rights legislation work for all, but the current plans will add further costs on firms.”

The BCC said the government could help firms absorb the additional pressures in areas such as business rates reform and through infrastructure investment.

A Treasury spokesperson said in response: “We delivered a once in a parliament budget to wipe the slate clean and deliver the stability businesses so desperately need.

“We have ensured more than half of employers will either see a cut or no change in their National Insurance bills, and by capping the rate of corporation tax at the lowest level in the G7, creating pension megafunds and establishing a National Wealth Fund, we are bringing back political and financial stability, creating the conditions for economic growth through investment and reform.

“This is just the start of our Plan for Change which will unlock investment, get Britain building via planning reform, and employ a modern Industrial Strategy to deliver the certainty and stability businesses need to invest in the UK’s growing and high potential sectors. This will make all parts of the country better off.”

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Montgomery-backed Local TV swoops on Lebedev’s London Live licence

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Montgomery-backed Local TV swoops on Lebedev's London Live licence

A television network majority-owned by David Montgomery, the media entrepreneur, is to snap up the licence to operate a London-focused TV station from Lord Lebedev, owner of the capital’s weekly Standard newspaper.

Sky News has learnt that Local TV Ltd, which was acquired by Mr Montgomery in 2017, is close to announcing a deal to buy the London licence from London Live.

Lord Lebedev was said last month to be exploring a sale of the London Live station he launched in 2014, with The Sunday Times reporting that it had lost more than £20m since it was established.

One media industry source said the deal would take Local TV’s share of the locally broadcast television market to roughly 60%.

It already has channels focused on locations including Birmingham, Leeds and Cardiff.

The company’s eight existing channels are broadcast to more than five million UK households.

While owned by Mr Montgomery, Local TV is run by Lesley Mackenzie, its chief executive.

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Mr Montgomery, the former Mirror Group Newspapers executive, has also been involved in the auction of The Daily Telegraph, having tabled an offer for the right-leaning newspaper last year.

He was reported this weekend to have met Todd Boehly, the Chelsea Football Club co-owner, about collaborating on a bid.

Tim Kirkman, the London Live managing director, declined to comment when reached by Sky News on Sunday afternoon, while Local TV could not be reached for comment.

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Could this be the future of farming? Inside Europe’s biggest vertical farm

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Could this be the future of farming? Inside Europe's biggest vertical farm

Outside it is the bleak midwinter. We are smack bang in the middle of some of the country’s best agricultural land.

But inside the cavernous warehouse where we’ve come, you wouldn’t have a clue about any of that: there is no daylight; it feels like it could be any time of the day, any season of the year.

We are at Fischer Farms – Europe’s biggest vertical farm.

The whole point of a vertical farm is to create an environment where you can grow plants, stacked on top of each other (hence: vertical) in high density. The idea being that you can grow your salads or peas somewhere close to the cities where they’re consumed rather than hundreds of miles away. Location is not supposed to matter.

Image:
Farm 2 of Fischer Farms

So the fact that this particular one is to be found amid the fields a few miles outside Norwich is somewhat irrelevant. It could be anywhere. Indeed, unlike most farms, which are sometimes named after the family that owns them or a local landmark, this one is simply called “Farm 2”. “Farm 1” is to be found in Staffordshire, in case you were wondering.

Farm boss’s dizzying ambition

These futuristic farm units are the brainwave of Tristan Fischer, a serial entrepreneur who has spent much of his career working on renewable energy in its various guises. His ambition now is dizzying: to be able to grow not just basil and chives in a farm like this but to grow other, trickier and more competitive crops too – from strawberries to wheat and rice.

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Only then, he says, can vertical farming stand a chance of truly changing the world.

The idea behind vertical farming itself is more than a century old. Back in 1915, American geologist Gilbert Ellis Bailey described how it could be done in theory. In theory, one should be able to grow plants hydroponically – in other words with a mineral substrate instead of soil – in a controlled environment and thereby increase the yield dramatically.

In one sense this is what’s already being done in greenhouses across much of Northern Europe and the US, where tomatoes and other warm-weather-loving vegetables are grown in temperature-controlled environments. However, while most of these greenhouses still depend on natural light (if sometimes bolstered by electric bulbs) the point behind vertical farming was that by controlling the amount of light, one could grow more or less everything, any time of the year. And by stacking the crops together one could yield even more crops in each acre of land one was using.

Image:
The tunnels are 12 levels high and bathed in bright LED lights

Look at a long-term chart of agricultural yields in this country and you start to see why this might matter. The quantity of crops we grow in each acre of land jumped dramatically in the second half of the 20th century – a consequence in part of liberal use of artificial fertiliser and in part of new technologies and systems. But that productivity rate started to tail off towards the end of the century.

‘Changing the equation’

Vertical farming promises, if it can make the numbers add up, to change the equation, dramatically increasing agricultural productivity in the coming decades. The question is whether the technology is there yet.

And when it comes to the technology, one thing has certainly changed. Those early vertical farms (the first attempts actually date back to the 1950s) all had a big problem: the bulbs. Incandescent bulbs were both too hot and too energy intensive to work in these environments. But the latest generation of LED bulbs are both cool and cheap, and it’s these bulbs you need (in vast numbers) if you’re going to make vertical farming work.

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Image:
The farm is growing basil but the ambition is to grow much more than simple herbs

Here at Farm 2, you encounter row after row of trays, each stacked on top of each other, each carrying increasingly leafy basil plants. They sit under thousands of little LED bulbs which are tuned to precisely the right spectral frequency to encourage the plant to grow rapidly.

Mr Fischer says: “We’re on this downward cost curve on LEDs. And then when you think about other main inputs, energy – renewable energy – is constantly coming down as well.

“So you think about all the big drivers of vertical farming, they’re going down, whereas compared to full-grown crops, everything’s going up – the fertilisers, rents, water is becoming more expensive too.”

Image:
Just over a month after the basil was seeded, it is now fully grown and trays of the crop are moved to the harvesting machine

This farm – which currently sells to restaurant chains rather than direct to consumers – is now cost-competitive with the basil shipped (or more often flown) in from the Mediterranean and North Africa. The carbon footprint is considerably lower too.

“And our long-term goal is that we can get a lot cheaper,” says Mr Fischer. “If you look at Farm 1, we spent about £2.5m on lights in 2018. Fast forward to Farm 2; it’s seven and a half times bigger and in those three years the lights were effectively half the price. We’re also probably using 60 to 70 percent less power.”

Farm boss Tristan Fischer speaks to Sky's Ed Conway
Image:
Farm boss Tristan Fischer speaks to Sky’s Ed Conway

It might seem odd to hear a farmer talk so much about energy and comparatively less about the kinds of things one associates with farmers – the soil or tractors or the weather – but vertical farming is in large part an energy business. If energy prices are low enough, it makes the crops here considerably cheaper.

But here in the UK, with power costs higher than anywhere else in the developed world, the prospects for this business are more challenged than elsewhere. Still, Mr Fischer’s objective is to prove the business case here before building bigger units elsewhere, in countries with much cheaper power.

In much the same way as Dutch growers came to dominate those greenhouses, he thinks the UK has a chance of dominating this new agricultural sector.

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