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The establishment of Great British Energy is among the last remnants of the ‘green prosperity plan’ devised and championed by Ed Miliband, the shadow secretary of state for energy security and net zero, three years ago.

The former Labour leader’s vision was to spend £28bn per year in the first five years of an incoming Labour government on decarbonising the UK economy.

However, as the current leader Sir Keir Starmer recognised, the issue was swiftly weaponised by the Conservatives because all the money – as Mr Miliband himself had made clear – would have been borrowed.

More importantly, the plan did not survive contact with Rachel Reeves, the shadow chancellor, who has made fiscal responsibility her priority.

The £28bn-a-year spending pledge was watered down in February this year to one of £23.7bn over the life of the next parliament.

A sizeable chunk of that will be on Great British Energy, described by Mr Miliband as “a new publicly owned clean power company”, which Labour has said will be initially capitalised at £8.3bn.

And, instead of the money being borrowed, Labour is now saying “it will be funded by asking the big oil and gas companies to pay their fair share through a proper windfall tax”.

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What’s a windfall tax and what’s it got to do with green energy?

Before going further, it’s worth explaining what the current windfall tax is.

The existing ‘temporary energy profits levy‘ was launched by Rishi Sunak, as chancellor, in May 2022 and imposed an extra 25% tax on the profits earned by companies from the production of oil and gas in the UK and on the UK Continental Shelf in the North Sea.

Due to expire at the end of 2025, it raised £2.6bn during its first year.

Jeremy Hunt, as chancellor, raised the levy to 35% from the beginning of last year and extended its life to the end of March 2028. That ‘sunset clause’ was extended to the end of March 2029 in Mr Hunt’s spring budget earlier this year.

It effectively means that the total tax burden on North Sea oil and gas producers is now 75%.

Labour made clear in February this year that this would rise to 78%. It also plans to remove some of the investment incentives Mr Sunak put in place when it announced the current windfall tax.

That will undoubtedly have consequences.

Offshore Energies UK, the industry body, has said that, in its first year, the existing energy profits levy led to more than 90% of North Sea oil producers cutting spending. It has warned that Labour’s plans could cost 42,000 jobs in the North Sea and some £26bn in economic value.

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So the increase in the windfall levy will have consequences for the overall tax take.

It is therefore important for Labour to make clear what changes in investment and hiring it is factoring in from companies operating in the North Sea as a result of higher taxation.

The big operators are already deserting the region. It was reported this week that Shell and Exxon Mobil are close to selling their jointly-controlled UK North Sea gas fields – marking the US giant’s final exit from the North Sea after 60 years.

And Harbour Energy, the biggest independent operator in the North Sea, has slashed investment in the region, along with hundreds of jobs, since the energy profits levy was introduced. It too is seeking to diversify away from the North Sea – having seen the energy profits levy wipe out its entire annual profits during the first year of the impost.

What will Great British Energy even own?

The second big question is what assets will be owned by Great British Energy.

Labour said overnight: “Great British Energy’s early investments will include wind and solar projects in communities up and down the country as well as making Scotland a world-leader in cutting edge technologies such as floating offshore wind, hydrogen, and CCS (carbon capture and storage).”

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What is unclear, though, is whether this will involve buying existing assets from private sector operators, building new assets from scratch or co-investing in new projects.

It is worth asking the question because only the latter of these two options will actually add to the UK’s energy generation and storage capacity.

And, if it is to be the second or third options, the question is what return on capital employed Great British Energy will be seeking to achieve.

A risk that money could be wasted

All commercial operators seek to achieve a return on capital which exceeds their cost of capital.

Now, as a sovereign debt issuer with a good credit rating, the UK government enjoys a lower cost of capital than most corporates. But there will still be a nagging concern – given the traditionally poor stewardship of state-owned enterprises in the UK – that, without the discipline imposed by having shareholders, some of the money will be wasted.

Investments of this kind are risky and volatile.

An example of this came last week when SSE, one of the UK’s biggest and best-run renewable energy generating companies, admitted that Dogger Bank A, its giant wind project off the Yorkshire coast, will not be fully operational until next year rather than this year.

Is it needed when billions are being spent on green investments?

A third question is why, precisely, Great British Energy is needed at all.

The UK is already decarbonising more rapidly than any other major economy and is also investing heavily.

The Department for Energy and Net Zero recently estimated that there will be some £100bn worth of private investment put towards the UK’s energy transition by 2030.

National Grid announced only last week that it plans to invest £31bn in the UK on the transition between now and the end of the decade.

SSE is investing £18bn in renewable capacity in the five years to 2026-27. Scottish Power, another of the big renewable energy companies, recently announced plans to invest £12bn between now and 2028.

So it is not entirely obvious why a comparatively small state-owned company is even necessary.

Energy security and cost

Labour’s justification is partly based on energy security – Sir Keir has in the past queried why a Swedish state-owned power company, Vattenfall, should be the biggest investor in onshore wind in Wales – and partly on prices.

It said overnight: “Great British Energy is part of our mission to make Britain a clean energy superpower by 2030 – helping families save £300 per year off their energy bills.”

Again, though, this raises further questions.

Mark McAllister, the chairman of energy regulator Ofgem, told the Financial Times this week that energy bills were unlikely to fall substantially over the decade partly due to the costs of building out the electricity network to support the transition to renewables.

He told the FT: said: “As we build in more and more renewables, we’re also building in the price, amortised over many years, of the networks as well.

“If we look at the forecasts for wholesale prices and then build on top of that the costs of the network going forward, I think we see something in our view that is relatively flat in the medium term.”

And that begs the biggest question of all, not just for Labour, but for all the parties: why is it being left to a regulator, rather than the politicians, to spell out the costs to households of the energy transition?

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Tax the rich to thwart Reform, TUC chief urges Labour

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Tax the rich to thwart Reform, TUC chief urges Labour

The leader of Britain’s trade unions has urged Labour to fight Reform UK by hitting millionaires, banks and gambling with higher taxes.

Paul Nowak, general secretary of the TUC, has published an opinion poll of 5,000 adults.

He says the results suggest a significant number of Labour voters are leaning to Reform.

His call comes ahead of the TUC’s annual conference starting in Brighton this weekend, when the high-tax policy is expected to be overwhelmingly approved.

“I’ve seen first-hand the experience of the wealth tax, the solidarity tax in Spain and it raised billions of euros,” Mr Nowak said in a pre-conference interview with Sky News.

“It didn’t lead to an exodus of millionaires or wealthy people from Spain and Spain now has one of the fastest growing economies in the OECD. So I think it’s a good example of a wealth tax in action.

“But it’s not the only option the government has. They could equalise capital gains tax with income tax.

“They could have a windfall tax on the banks and the financial institutions who have got record profits.

“And they could tax the gambling industry much more fairly.”

Paul Nowak is the leader of the TUC. Pic: PA
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Paul Nowak is the leader of the TUC. Pic: PA

He continued: “The big four banks between them had profits of nearly £46bn last year alone, mainly because we’re in a high interest rates environment.

“Under the previous Conservative government, when the energy companies had huge windfall profits, they moved to a windfall tax, extended by Labour.

“We think they should take a similar approach in banking and other sectors where we may see those windfall profits.”

Labour voters ‘leaning to Reform’

The debate over a wealth tax was triggered by a call by former Labour leader Lord Kinnock, in an interview on Sunday Morning With Trevor Phillips on Sky News on 6 July, for a 2% levy on people with assets of more than £10m.

Weeks later, it was backed by Labour’s former shadow chancellor, Anneliese Dodds, on Sky News political editor Beth Rigby‘s Electoral Dysfunction podcast, but rejected by Chancellor Rachel Reeves.

Ms Reeves will deliver the budget on 26 November.

On the TUC’s poll, carried out on 15-19 August, Mr Nowak said 74% of 2024 Labour voters who are now “leaning to Reform” backed wealth, gambling, and bank taxes.

This was also true for 84% of 2024 Conservative to Labour switchers.

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Is the UK heading into a full-blown financial crisis?

‘A clear dividing line’

“We polled the public on a 2% wealth tax on those with assets of more than £10m,” Mr Nowak said. “Most people would recognise, if you’ve got £10m in assets, you could probably afford to pay a little bit more in tax.

“This is a clear dividing line between the government and Reform, showing you are on the side of working people.

We know some [union] members voted for Reform at the last general election and clearly Reform was the biggest party at the local elections and union members would have been among those who cast their vote for Reform.

Keir Starmer has had a challenging first year as prime minister. Pic: PA
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Keir Starmer has had a challenging first year as prime minister. Pic: PA

“My job isn’t to tell trade union members which way they should vote or not. What we want to do is expose the gap between what Nigel Farage says and what he does.

“He says he stands up for working people and then votes against rights for millions of working people when it’s introduced in parliament.

“He says he stands up for British industry and supports Donald Trump and his destructive tariffs. And he talks about tax cuts for the rich when we know that we need those with the broader shoulders to pay their fair share.”

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Shein investigates after likeness of accused killer Luigi Mangione used to model shirt on fashion giant’s website

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Shein investigates after likeness of accused killer Luigi Mangione used to model shirt on fashion giant's website

Fashion giant Shein has opened an investigation after a shirt was advertised on its site, modelled by a man bearing a striking resemblance to Luigi Mangione, who is accused of murdering a US healthcare chief executive.

The image with Mangione’s likeness, wearing a white, short-sleeved shirt, has since been taken down.

Shein, one of the world’s biggest fast fashion retailers, told Sky News: “The image in question was provided by a third-party vendor and was removed immediately upon discovery.

“We have stringent standards for all listings on our platform. We are conducting a thorough investigation, strengthening our monitoring processes, and will take appropriate action against the vendor in line with our policies.”

The listing was taken down on Wednesday afternoon, according to reports.

As news of the image spread across social media on Tuesday, and ‘Luigi Mangione Shein’ reportedly began trending, many speculated that the picture had been created by AI or photo-shopped.

Some supporters of Mangione accused Shein of using his likeness, while his critics have also described using the photo as a new low.

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Mangione, 27, is facing trial for fatally shooting UnitedHealth’s insurance CEO, Brian Thompson, outside a New York City hotel in December.

UnitedHealthcare chief executive officer Brian Thompson.
Pic: UnitedHealth Group/AP
Image:
UnitedHealthcare chief executive officer Brian Thompson.
Pic: UnitedHealth Group/AP

Mr Thompson, 50, was shot dead as he walked to a Manhattan hotel where the company, the largest private health insurance firm in the US, was hosting an investor conference.

Mangione denies the state and federal charges against him, including first-degree murder “in furtherance of an act of terrorism”, two counts of second-degree murder, two counts of stalking and a firearms offence.

Prosecutors are seeking the death penalty if he is convicted, saying Mangione targeted Mr Thompson and that he “presents a future danger because he expressed an intent to target an entire industry, and rally political and social opposition to that industry, by engaging in an act of lethal violence”.

After the killing, Mangione was portrayed as a folk hero by some of those opposed to the US healthcare system.

Rallies took place outside court during his appearances and some supporters pledged funds to his defence.

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Shein, founded in China in 2012, has built its global reputation on inexpensive, fast-moving fashion trends that attract Gen Z and younger millennials. Its products are shipped to more than 100 countries.

In January, a senior company lawyer was unable to say if the company sells products containing cotton from Xinjiang, the region of China where it’s alleged members of the Uyghur ethnic group are forced to work against their will, accusations China denies.

Sky News has contacted Shein for comment.

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Interest rates: ‘Considerably more doubt’ over future cuts, Bank of England governor warns

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Interest rates: 'Considerably more doubt' over future cuts, Bank of England governor warns

There is “considerably more doubt” over when future interest rate cuts can take place, the governor of the Bank of England has said.

Andrew Bailey told a committee of MPs that the risks around inflation had gone up and he was “more concerned” about weakness in the labour market.

Bank staff projections expect the main consumer prices index measure of inflation to rise to 4% this year – double the 2% target rate – from its current level of 3.8%. Food prices are proving the main driver currently, with part of the increases blamed on government tax rises on employers.

On the prospects for further interest rate reductions this year, Mr Bailey said: “There is now considerably more doubt about when and exactly how quickly we can make those further steps.”

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Interest rates are elevated to help ease the pace of price growth and cut, when able, to help maintain inflation at the 2% target level.

The governor was speaking after the Bank’s split vote last month that resulted in a quarter point reduction for Bank rate to 4%.

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At that time, the governor said that while he still believed that the future path for borrowing costs was still downwards gradually over time, financial markets had since understood that the outlook for the pace of cuts was more murky.

“That’s the message I wanted to get across”, he told the Treasury select committee.

“Now, I think actually, judging by what’s happened, certainly to market pricing since then, I think that message has been understood.”

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Inflation up: the bad and ‘good’ news

A further quarter point cut to 3.75% is no longer fully priced in for this year, according to LSEG data on market expectations.

He was speaking as financial markets continued to see a widespread sell-off of long-dated bonds, largely over fears of rising government debt levels in many western economies including the US and UK.

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Why did UK debt just get more expensive?

The activity has taken the yield – the effective interest rate demanded by investors – in 30-year gilts to a 27-year high this week. Other shorter dated bonds have also risen sharply.

But Mr Bailey urged less of an emphasis on the long-term gilts, as headlines point out that any increase in the cost of servicing government debt is a headache chancellor Rachel Reeves can well do without as she battles to balance the books.

He told the MPs: “It’s important not to … over focus on the 30-year bond rate. Of course, it’s a number that gets quoted a lot, it’s quite a high number. It is actually not a number that is being used for funding at all at the moment.”

Mr Bailey also waded into the continuing row across the Atlantic that sees the independence of the US central bank, the Federal Reserve, threatened by Donald Trump and his quest for interest rate cuts.

He has moved to fire a Fed governor over alleged mortgage fraud and make a new appointment but Lisa Cook, who was appointed to the board by Joe Biden, is fighting his bid to oust her in the courts.

“This is a very serious situation”, Mr Bailey said.

“I am very concerned. The Federal Reserve… has built up a very strong reputation for independence and for its decision making,”, adding that trading central bank independence against other government decisions would be a “very dangerous road to go down”.

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