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Watch a few minutes of the NBA Finals , and youll likely notice how the Dallas Mavericks Luka Doncic argues with the officials every time a whistle blows in his direction. Working the refs is a long-standing tradition, but Doncic, one of basketballs marquee stars, takes complaining to a new level. In his eyes, the referees are incapable of correctly calling the game, no matter the circumstance. Whining has become muscle memory.

A similar dynamic has lately been playing out between members of President Joe Bidens campaign staff and journalists. Each week, Biden-team members and a cadre of notable Democrats spend hours locked in a public spat not just against former President Donald Trump, but against the media.

Recently, TJ Ducklo, a Biden-campaign senior adviser for communications, posted on X: The President just spoke to approx 1,000 mostly black voters in Philly about the massive stakes in this election. @MSNBC @CNN & others did not show it. Instead, more coverage about a trial that impacts one person: Trump. Then theyll ask, why isnt your message getting out? Responding to Ducklo, the election statistician turned Substack writer Nate Silver pointed out that Democrats often lament that the media dont cover Trumps misdeeds enough. Ducklo fired back: This perfectly incapsulates [sic] the disconnect between the ivory tower/beltway know-it-alls and voters. Donald Trumps trials dont impact real people. They impact Donald Trump. His horrific, draconian, dangerous policies impact voters. Cover those. Stop covering polls & process.

To suggest that a formerand potentially futurepresidents legal woes are items not worth discussing is, frankly, absurd. But Ducklos complaint was part of a much larger theme: Bidens allies believe that journalists are failing to meet the moment; that theyre falling back on horse-race coverage and ignoring the knock of fascism at Americas door.

Many Biden supporters and campaign staffers have fashioned this argument into a shield against any critical coverage of the president. Like a previous White House occupant raving about fake stories, they sometimes behave as if they are the arbiters of whats newsworthy at all. Sounding a bit like Donald Trump isnt the only problem with this strategy, though; its also highly unlikely to advance the campaigns larger goal of actually winning the election.

Bidens first bid for president , in 1988, was one of the subjects covered in Richard Ben Cramers What It Takes, a masterpiece of the campaign-journalism genre. When Cramer died from lung cancer in 2013, Biden, then serving as vice president, spoke wistfully at his memorial service. Although Biden has endured his share of embarrassments that have triggered unflattering news cycles across his decades in public serviceincluding a plagiarism scandal that ended his 88 bidhe has maintained an apparently earnest belief in the role of journalism in upholding democracy. Now some members of his 2024 team worry that the press has become Trumps unwitting accomplice.

David A. Graham: How Musk and Biden are changing the media

Rather than reserve their concerns for phone calls, as was custom for virtually every pre-Trump presidential campaign, they are following Trumps lead and making their attacks public. Online and on social media, youve certainly seen Bidens aides get into it more with reporters, David Folkenflik, NPRs media correspondent, told me. God knows these are conversations that would have taken place in private before.

Headlines, specifically those that appear in The New York Times, are daily points of consternation. Campaign gripes sometimes seem to share a wavelength with the X parody account New York Times Pitchbot, which has carved out a niche satirizing both sides journalism. Ammar Moussa, the Biden campaigns director of rapid response, posted on X recently that The Wall Street Journal had committed unbelievable journalistic malpractice for its story on what members of Congress allegedly say behind closed doors about the presidents mental acuity. The complaint among Bidens allies was that the story didnt include enough quotes from people who believe the president is up to the job.

Speaking broadly about this moment, Ducklo told me, Media cant cover this election like this is George W. Bush versus Al Gore. Donald Trump is a fundamentally, uniquely different candidate that has to be covered in a uniquely different way than ever before. What does this look like in practice? The Biden campaign seems to believe that journalists should stop reporting on polls, rallies, and other tentpoles of traditional presidential races, and instead devote their resources to telling Americans that Trump wants to be a dictator, over and over again. If that means ignoring Bidens missteps and weaknesses, well, the Biden campaign can accept that.

When I asked the Biden campaign about its relationship with the media, it emailed me a statement: This election isnt just about a few minor policy differenceswe are running against a guy that has all but promised to erode American democracy, rule as a dictator and strip Americans of their freedom Donald Trump has fundamentally changed the stakes of this election, and we firmly believe it is everyones job to not take their eye off the ball of just how dangerous Donald Trump has become to the basic fundamentals this country was founded on, the free press especially.

Most of the people willing to speak on the record about this issue have the word former in their job title. Former Deputy White House Press Secretary Eric Schultz, who served in Barack Obamas administration, has become one of the most fiery Democratic voices on the perceived 2024 problem. WSJ adopting the Arthur Sulzberger extortion approach: give us an interview or well parrot Republicans that Biden is too old, Schultz posted on X recently, attacking both that contentious Journal report and the New York Times publisher in the space of a few words.

Youre right, I pop off a lot on this online, Schultz told me. He also acknowledged that most readers of publications like the Times are probably supporting Biden, and that its the low-information voters whom Democrats need to do a better job of winning over. The instrument to reach swing voters in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, for example, is not the Times, Schultz said, but that doesnt mean the way The New York Times covers this race is insignificant.

Schultz, who playfully referred to himself as a Democratic hack, said that he believes the media have fallen into their worst habit of covering only a single story each campaign cycle. In 2016, he said, that story was Hillary Clintons private email server. Although the media did obsess over Clintons emails, former FBI Director James Comeys very public investigation into the subject is what made it impossible to avoid. At any rate, reporters devoted tons of resources to documenting the 2016 Trump campaigns many scandals, including the infamous Trump Tower meeting about potential dirt on Clinton, and the Access Hollywood tape. Journalists were extremely tough on Trump then, as they are now.

But Schultz sees the past differently and now believes that 2024s single media narrative is Bidens age. He argued that if you were to ask 100 D.C. reporters which candidate is more capable of thinking through and discussing any policy issue, 100 of them would say Joe Biden. Yet Biden, he said, is the only one who gets hammered on age. Schultz even went so far as to say that political journalists have become Trumps enablers: The confluence of the burn-it-all-down message and journalists having a long-standing bias towards negativity it amounts to putting the thumb on the scale for Donald Trump.

Mark Leibovich: Ruth Bader Biden

Kate Bedingfield, a member of Bidens 2020 campaign team who went on to become his first White House communications director before leaving last year, echoed Schultzs larger critique. I am not arguing that Biden should never be criticized, she told me. I dont believe that. Yet she also sid that Bidens flubs on the campaign trail were being covered with the same intensity as, for instance, a Trump statement about how hed subvert the Constitution. Those two things are not comparable, and I dont think its a partisan statement to say that, Bedingfield said.

Biden allies are quick to bring up variations on that theme: The candidates are not comparable, but theyre being covered as if they were. Kate Berner, the White House deputy communications director until last year, suggested that one obvious and major difference between Trump and Biden was precisely their relationship with the media: Reporters feel unsafe covering Trump events, not Biden events.

I have covered many Trump rallies and have never felt unsafe, even when asking his supporters difficult questions. Its true, though, that vilifying the media has been a building block of Trumps political identity. Once, in an interview with 60 Minutes Leslie Stahl, Trump explained his motivation: The more he went after the media, the less voters would trust any negative story published about him. This strategy, in tandem with one coined by his former adviser Steve Bannon, to flood the zone with shit, has succeeded. And if Trump returns to office next year, he has threatened to prosecute his adversariespotentially including journalists.

The Biden campaign doesnt menace journalists, but it doesnt trust them, either. Biden has held the fewest press conferences of any American president since Ronald Reagan. And Biden staffers clearly believe they have every right to set the agenda of journalistic decision making. As Berner put it, Theres plenty of work that the White House and the campaign and others do behind the scenes to shape a story, to push back, to have editorial conversations. But when coverage is particularly out of bounds, its fair for them to make those criticisms public, because working the refs publicly is an important way of taking that spotlight and turning it around back on them. That this statement sounded Trumpian seemed lost on her.

Few people better understand the competing motivations of the media and politicians than David Axelrod. Long before becoming an architect of Barack Obamas presidential election campaign and a White House adviser, Axelrod was a newspaper journalist. He told me about covering City Hall in Chicago and having mayors threaten to expel him from the building because they didnt like the stories he was writing. Axelrods opinion on this strategy is that its ineffective.

Generally, my view is if you are spending your time complaining about news coverage, its kind of a losers lament and a waste of time, Axelrod said. He went on: Trading snarky asides with members of the news media is not, to me, putting points on the board. Unless youre going to embrace the idea that Trump has, which is youre gonna make the news media a foil I dont really sense thats their plan, he said of the Biden campaign.

Sometimes youre going to get a bad story that you deserve, he add later. And sometimes youre going to get stories that you dont like, but that are within the parameters of what good reporting is. And those you should let go.

Trump can win this race without favorable media coverage: By spending the better part of a decade turning the press into his staunch adversary, hes become dependent on negative stories. Critical reporting fires Trump up, but it also gives him material that he can use, in turn, to fire up his base. Trump has sold millions of voters on a fantasy world in which crooked journalists peddle fake news even when theyre recording, reporting, and broadcasting his quotes verbatim. He and his voters believe that any election Trump loses is rigged. That the former presidents trials are all shams. That the Democrats are one enemy, the Department of Justice is another, and the media are a third.

From the January/February 2024 issue: Is journalism ready?

Biden is in a different, arguably opposite position. His campaign argues that Democrats, unlike Republicans, are actually tethered to reality. Bidens people are desperately trying to convince voters that the country is in much better shape than most Americans seem to believe. That elections are safe. That the economy, and unemployment, are not as bad as youve heard. Bidens team needs voters to trust reputable publications that reliably print and publish factssuch as the Times and the Journal.

Then some campaign staffers and high-profile Democratic supporters turn around and attack these publications, in the process casting doubt on their reliability. Its a losing proposition.

When Luka Doncic works the refs, hes not helping his cause. Last Wednesday, during a pivotal game in the NBA Finals against the Boston Celtics, he was forced to sit on the bench with just minutes to go after fouling out (and complaining about it). When Biden-campaign allies work the media, theyre at best wasting time, suggesting that they have run out of better ideas for how to try to save their candidate.

Bidens belief in the Constitution means he supports a free and independent press. Authoritarians rise by lying and sowing mistrust. If journalists are truly going to combat that forceas Bidens campaign implores them to dothey will have to be honest and rigorous about not just Trump but also his opponent.

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Sports

Isles win draft lottery for first time since ’09

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Isles win draft lottery for first time since '09

SECAUCUS, N.J. — The New York Islanders won the NHL draft lottery on Monday night, moving up 10 spots to make the league’s first live televised drawing a memorable one.

“It was dramatic,” NHL commissioner Gary Bettman told ESPN after the drawing. “It worked the way it was supposed to in terms of the process. But the result was unpredictable.”

The Islanders had a 3.5% chance of securing the first pick entering the draft, the 10th-best odds out of the 16 teams in the lottery. It’s the fifth time in franchise history that the Islanders will select first, and the first time since they picked center John Tavares in 2009. Other first overall picks for New York were forward Billy Harris (1972), defenseman Denis Potvin (1973) and goalie Rick DiPietro (2000).

“The hockey gods smiled on us. I can’t tell you how thrilled I am for Islander fans, for our ownership, for the entire Islander organization,” Islanders director of pro scouting Ken Morrow said.

The Islanders’ jump from 10th to first is the biggest involving a team winning the No. 1 selection. It comes after the last-place team won the lottery to retain the first pick in four of the past five years.

Boston College forward James Hagens, a Long Island native, is one of the top prospects available in the 2025 NHL draft, scheduled for L.A. Live’s Peacock Theater in Los Angeles on June 27-28.

Two drawings were held, the first to determine the No. 1 pick followed by the No. 2 selection. Only the bottom 11 teams in the standings were eligible to land the first pick due to a rule restricting teams to moving up no more than 10 spots in the draft order. Each drawing selected a four-number combination that had been assigned to a team before the draft, with balls drawn at 30-second increments. There were 1,001 possible combinations.

The San Jose Sharks entered the day with the best odds, 18.5%, to win the lottery and a 25.5% chance of landing the No. 1 choice for the second straight season, having selected center Macklin Celebrini first in 2024. Celebrini joined Montreal defenseman Lane Hutson and Calgary Flames goalie Dustin Wolf as finalists for the Calder Trophy for NHL rookie of the year, as announced on Monday.

The Sharks settled for the second pick in 2025 after the Utah Hockey Club won the second lottery draw, moving up from 14th to No. 4 overall. The Chicago Blackhawks had the second-best chances to win the lottery and will pick third. The Nashville Predators had no lottery luck — despite having the third-best odds, they drop to the fifth pick.

The drama was amplified in this season’s lottery as the NHL televised the drawing live from the NHL Network studios for the first time in the event’s 30-year history. Previously, the drawing was held in a sequestered room at the facility, with deputy commissioner Bill Daly revealing each draft position by flipping over a stack of cards on television.

“It’s basically the same thing that I do when we’d pretape it and Bill would reveal it. For me, it’s the same. It’s a little different for Bill. He doesn’t have to flip the cards over now,” Bettman said.

The NHL decided to make the drawing live because it drew more fan bases into the excitement of the first overall pick than the previous format. Before the Islanders won the lottery, seven teams still had a shot at the first overall selection: The Blackhawks, Philadelphia Flyers, Pittsburgh Penguins and the Islanders each had two balls that would win them the lottery, while the Sharks, Seattle Kraken and Buffalo Sabres each had one.

“It gave those teams and those fan bases hope going into that final. To me, that was what this was all about: To keep hope alive all the way until the end,” Steve Mayer, the NHL’s chief content officer, said.

There was plenty of drama before the final ball was drawn, too. The NHL partnered with SportsMEDIA Technology (SMT) to create real-time odds adjustments after every ball was selected. When No. 7 was selected as the first ball in the first drawing, the Sharks’ odds spiked to 20.6%, while the Calgary Flames were eliminated. When No. 11 was taken second, the Sharks went up to 24.3% while four other teams were eliminated. When No. 12 was selected third, that’s when things took a turn: The Sharks’ chances dropped to 9.1%, the Predators and New York Rangers were eliminated and suddenly both the Penguins (9th) and the Islanders (10th) had an 18.2% chance at the first overall pick.

“This was the idea from the beginning. If we’re going to do this, we have to know after the first ball what the percentages are and who’s out. We need to know after the second ball and the third. We need to know going into the last ball what every team needs,” Mayer said.

“I said, ‘Can somebody way smarter than me figure this out?’ And that’s what they end up doing.”

At last year’s draft lottery, the NHL did a very rough run-through of what a live lottery draw might look like. Mayer sent that video to Bettman and Daly before the live broadcast as a way to present the run of show, with MLB Network employees having stood in for the commissioner and deputy commissioner.

Were there any concerns? “Steve said a hundred percent guaranteed, no problem. And his track record on putting on events, outdoor games, All-Star Games and the draft is impeccable. So we rely on his assurance,” Bettman said.

The NHL was pleased with the event after its completion, both in creating a more dramatic viewing experience and in the technology working. Bettman said there would be a debriefing among the league’s staffers but anticipated the format would return next season. That’s when the drama will really get amplified, when 17-year-old phenom Gavin McKenna of Medicine Hat in the Western Hockey League is expected to be the first pick.

“All the lotteries are important, and they all get the same treatment, in terms of how seriously we treat them,” Bettman said. “We can be a little lighthearted talking about how this [live drawing] came about, but in the final analysis, we had to get comfortable that this was a process with unquestionable integrity.”

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Maple Leafs’ Stolarz injured, exits in 2nd period

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Maple Leafs' Stolarz injured, exits in 2nd period

TORONTO — Toronto Maple Leafs goaltender Anthony Stolarz exited midway through the second period of Game 1 of his team’s second-round Eastern Conference series matchup against the Florida Panthers on Monday after taking an elbow to the head from forward Sam Bennett.

There was no penalty called on the play. Stolarz was replaced by backup Joseph Woll. He had made eight saves on nine shots before leaving while Toronto raced out to a 4-1 lead over its Atlantic Division rival.

On the game broadcast, during the third period, ESPN’s Emily Kaplan reported that a source said Stolarz had vomited on the bench before exiting for the locker room. The team made the official announcement that he wouldn’t return during the second intermission.

Stolarz started all six playoff games for Toronto against the Ottawa Senators in their first-round series victory, recording a 4-2 record with a .902 save percentage and a 2.21 goals-against average.

The 31-year-old veteran, who was the Panthers’ backup last season for Sergei Bobrovsky on their run to a Stanley Cup victory, was the Maple Leafs’ backbone in net throughout the regular season. He sat out some time after a midseason knee surgery but was an impressive 21-8-3 with .926 save percentage and a 2.14 GAA.

Woll took over starting duties when Stolarz was out during the regular season. He posted a 27-14-1 record with a.909 save percentage and a 2.73 GAA.

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Politics

How Nigel Farage is flirting with Labour’s most loyal voters – and the battle to stop him

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How Nigel Farage is flirting with Labour's most loyal voters - and the battle to stop him

For much of its history, the trade union movement’s main opponent has been the Conservative Party. But now it finds itself taking on a different type of adversary – one it might describe as a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

It began when Nigel Farage, known for being a staunch advocate of free trade and private markets, declined to criticise the Unite union for its bin strike in Birmingham, before calling for the nationalisation of British Steel following the near collapse of its plant in Scunthorpe.

The Reform UK leader has been sweet-talking the trade unions, speaking their language and brandishing their leaflets in public in what appears to his critics to be a new opportunistic strategy.

Farage’s courting of union members has alarmed the movement’s leaders – so much so that Sky News understands the executive of the Trades Union Congress (TUC), which represents unions across the country, has been holding meetings to draw up a strategy on how best to combat his appeal and more broadly, the far-right.

Over the weekend, as the two main parties were processing the battering they received in the local elections largely courtesy of Farage’s party, Unison’s general secretary Christina McAnea urged members of councils now controlled by Reform to join a union.

“Unions are there to ensure no one can play fast and loose with the law,” she said, after Farage threatened to sack staff working in areas such as diversity or climate change.

‘Political fraud’

More on Labour

Paul Nowak, the general secretary of the TUC, has begun to step up his criticism of the former UKIP leader – accusing him of “cosplaying as a champion of working people”.

“He is not on the side of the working people,” he tells Sky News. “He’s on the side of bad bosses who want to treat staff like disposable labour.

“Unions will continue to expose him for the political fraud he is.”

At the moment, that campaign is largely focused on highlighting Farage’s voting record – in particular his decision to oppose the Employment Rights Bill, legislation unions say they have wanted for decades.

The bill offers protection from unfair dismissal from the first day of employment and sick pay for all workers from the first day of absence, among other measures.

The TUC says the bill is incredibly popular – and not just among Labour voters.

According to a poll it conducted of more than 21,000 people with campaign group Hope Not Hate, banning zero hours contracts is supported by more than seven in 10 UK voters – including two in three Reform voters from the 2024 election.

“People are going to find there are improvements to their life and work,” an insider tells Sky News. “We want them to understand who was for it, and who was against it.”

The TUC has also begun promoting videos on social media in which workers in the electric vehicle industry accuse Farage of threatening their jobs.

Farage’s response to the bill has been to claim that a clause within in that gives workers protection from third party harassment could herald the end of “pub banter”.

‘There has always been fellow feeling with unions’

But Gawain Towler, an ex-Reform press officer who has worked on and off for Farage for 20 years, insists his former boss isn’t against workers’ rights – he’s just opposed to Labour’s bill.

“Reform don’t see it as a workers rights’ bill – we think it takes away opportunities for work because it scares people away from employing people,” he says.

Nigel Farage reacts next to a local in Scunthorpe.
Pic: Reuters
Image:
Nigel Farage campaigning during the local elections in Scunthorpe.
Pic: Reuters

He believes “mass migration” is the real obstacle to better wages and job security, and argues net zero policies are “costing union members their jobs”.

The government may point to a recent study suggesting the net zero sector has grown by 10% over the past year, supporting the equivalent of 951,000 full-time jobs.

For Farage’s allies, his courting of union members is neither disingenuous nor new.

“He’s anti-union management, he’s not anti-union,” says Towler, who noted Farage’s friendship with the late union leader and Brexit advocate Bob Crow.

“Nigel has always been a free trader, but he’s never been deeply partisan, which is why he was able to start the Brexit Party. There has always been that fellow feeling with unions.”

Indeed, on one issue, a commonality is emerging between Reform and the GMB union.

While general secretary Gary Smith has criticised Farage for being “soft on Russia” and for voting against the Employment Rights Bill, there is an agreement between the pair over the impact of net zero.

Those sceptical of the government’s plans for the green transition point to Port Talbot in Wales, where 2,500 workers are expected to lose their jobs, and Grangemouth, where the closure of Scotland’s last remaining oil refinery is expected to result in around 400 job losses.

Members of Unite union take part in a demonstration to protest at Petroineos plans to close Grangemouth oil refinery.
Pic: PA
Image:
Members of Unite union protest at plans to close Grangemouth oil refinery.
Pic: PA

Although Unite has no common truck with Reform, it has warned there should be “no ban without a plan” when it comes to issuing new oil and gas licences.

‘Labour has one shot with workers’

For some unions, Labour’s position on certain issues has provided Reform with an opening.

There’s disappointment at some Labour policies in government – from partly watering down the Employment Rights Bill to stave off dissent from business leaders, to welfare cuts and offering below-inflation pay rises for public sector workers.

Gawain Little, the general secretary of the General Federation of Trade Unions, tells Sky News the party risks leaving “space open for fakers like Farage to come along and pretend they have people’s interests at heart”.

Only a sense that austerity is over, likewise the cost of living crisis, will truly “challenge” the Reform leader, he says.

One GMB member says Farage’s strategy is “from the same playbook” as right-wing parties in Europe, such as the AfD in Germany and Georgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy.

By “continuously legitimising” Reform by talking tough on migration, union activists who usually get the word out for Labour have been left demoralised.

Farage on the picket line?

The current distance with some unions did not start in government. It began in opposition, when Labour refused to back workers who were on strike and when the party did not endorse some candidates put forward by some of the more left-wing unions.

But so far, sources in Labour have dismissed Farage’s tactics as just words – and believe his previous anti-union rhetoric will weigh against him when he tries to court votes.

In fact, Mr Farage’s calls for the renationalisation of steel have been interpreted as him “trying to jump on the bandwagon” of Labour’s success.

However, Damian Lyons Lowe, the founder of pollster Survation, spots danger for Labour if Farage is able to successfully tilt in the direction of workers’ rights – especially if the government finds itself unable to follow.

He says taking the side of unions in an industrial dispute over pay would be an example of a classic “wedge” strategy that Farage can deploy to back Labour into a corner.

Read more:
Why is it taking so long to settle the Birmingham bin dispute?
Tories ‘are not doing a deal with Reform,’ Kemi Badenoch insists

And given the government’s initial 2.8% pay offer to public sector workers is below that reportedly drawn up by the independent pay review body for NHS workers and teachers, there is the very real prospect this scenario could arise.

“It could pose a real threat to Labour,” Lyons Lowe says, with union members in “post-industrial” areas potentially receptive to a message of “protectionism, industrial revival, and national self-sufficiency”.

Could what started with Farage brandishing leaflets end up with him joining the picket line?

While one union insider doesn’t think Farage will ultimately convince union leaders, members may be tempted.

The Starmer government has “one shot to deliver for workers”, they warn.

“If they don’t, Farage and Reform are waiting in the wings.”

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