U.S. Vice President and Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris speaks at a campaign rally in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, U.S. August 20, 2024.
Marco Bello | Reuters
As the 2024 U.S. elections reach their home stretch, crypto companies are opening their wallets to try and influence the results.
Nearly half of all the corporate money flowing into the election has come from the crypto industry, according to a report this week from the nonprofit watchdog group Public Citizen. The sum, approximately $119 million, was raised from a mix of contributors, with Coinbase and Ripple accounting for more than 80% of the donations.
Most of the money is going to super PACs that are backing pro-crypto candidates running for office this year. The industry has faced heightened scrutiny during the Biden administration, and Coinbase and Ripple are two of the biggest players that have been engaged in legal battles with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
Donald Trump, the Republican nominee, has tried to exploit the rift between the crypto industry and the Democrats by pitching himself as the pro-crypto choice and even keynoting a major bitcoin conference in Nashville, Tennessee, last month. But money is flowing into both parties, as the House, Senate and the presidency remain very much up for grabs.
No other sector is keeping up with crypto. That includes oil companies and banks, which have historically been big political contributors.
Since 2010, when the Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling opened the door for limitless corporate money in U.S. elections, the crypto sector has accounted for 15% of all disclosed contributions. More than 90% of the corporate crypto cash that’s been raised was brought in this election cycle.
Rick Claypool, research director at Public Citizen, who authored the latest report, said the massive money poured in by crypto companies to “silence crypto’s critics and elevate its backers embodies everything that is wrong with the Supreme Court’s disastrous Citizens United decision.”
Claypool’s research shows that crypto corporations are second only to fossil fuel conglomerates in total election-related spending since the 2010 ruling.
Fairshake is the most popular of the pro-crypto, bipartisan super PACs. It’s funded by some of the industry’s leading companies and has become one of the top-spending PACs this year.
The majority of the group’s funds can be traced to four sources. Coinbase has contributed $49 million, venture firm Andreessen Horowitz has donated $47 million, Ripple has given $47 million and Jump Crypto put in $15 million. In total, Fairshake and its two affiliated PACs have raised around $169 million, with more than 90% coming directly from corporations.
Other funds have come from a mix of donors. Coinbase CEO Brian Armstrong, for example, gave $1 million, while the Winklevoss twins put in $5 million.
The super PAC has pledged $25 million from that pool of cash to 18 House candidates in the general election, to be split among nine Democrats and nine Republicans. It’s committed another $18 million to three Senate races.
‘Eye-popping sums’
The industry’s strategy paid off in the primaries.
Public Citizen’s report found that of the 42 primary races that attracted money from crypto-backed super PACs, the candidate picked by the crypto industry won 36. But many of them aren’t publicly promoting their stance on crypto.
“When Fairshake and its affiliates spend money to influence races, either by attacking crypto skeptics or boosting crypto supporters, the ads don’t mention crypto at all,” said Claypool.
In New York and California congressional races, the crypto-funded campaign ads attacked the targeted candidates with traditional political jabs, and no mention of crypto.
“The sole reason crypto is a hot-button topic in this election cycle is that crypto businesses are spending eye-popping sums to make themselves impossible to ignore,” Claypool said.
Democrats are trying to show they can find common ground with the industry despite the tension that’s emerged in recent years.
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., kicked off a virtual town hall dubbed “Crypto4Harris” in August. He said at the event that a crypto law could pass the Senate by the end of the year.
Vice President Kamala Harris’s campaign team is actively working to craft a platform stance around the crypto industry and reset the approach taken by President Joe Biden, several key Democrats told CNBC. On Tuesday, Harris’ campaign announced plans to adopt a pro-crypto innovation stance.
Coinbase Chief Policy Officer Faryar Shirzad praised the move, writing on X that he’s been “pleased to take part in a number of discussions with the Harris team.” He described the approach as “constructive” and said “the dialogue had been an important first step.”
Read more about tech and crypto from CNBC Pro
Meanwhile, money has rolled into Trump’s campaign from digital asset executives since he leaned into being the pro-crypto candidate.
Trump has adopted increasingly bullish talking points on cryptocurrencies on the campaign trail, and he announced in late July that he had raised $25 million from crypto interests, a figure that CNBC hasn’t independently confirmed.
Crypto executives have turned up at fundraisers for Trump in San Francisco and Nashville, where the Republican nominee told an audience of conferencegoers that if he were returned to the White House, he would ensure that the federal government never sells off its bitcoin holdings.
“This afternoon I’m laying out my plan to ensure that the United States will be the crypto capital of the planet and the bitcoin superpower of the world,” Trump said. “And we’ll get it done.”
The new version is extremely disappointing as it is $9,000 more expensive than the Cybertruck RWD was supposed to be, and while it has more range than originally planned, Tesla has removed a ton of features, including some important ones.
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Here’s what you lose with the Cybertruck RWD:
You get a single motor RWD instead of Dual Motor AWD
You lose the adaptive air suspension
No motorized tonneau, but you have an optional $750 soft tonneau
Textile seats instead of vegan leather
Fewer speakers
No rear screen for the backseat
No power outlets in the bed
The last one has been pretty disappointing, as it can’t be that expensive to include, and Tesla is basically removing $20,000 worth of features for only a $10,000 difference with the Dual Motor Cybertruck.
But the automaker appears to have come up with a partial solution.
Tesla has launched a $80 ‘Powershare Outlet Adapter’ on its online store:
When combined with Tesla’s Gen 3 Mobile Connector plugged into the Cybertruck’s charge port, it gives you two 120V 20A power outlets.
Tesla describes the product:
Powershare Outlet Adapter allows you to power electronic devices using Mobile Connector and your Powershare-equipped vehicle’s battery. To use this adapter, plug Mobile Connector’s handle into your Powershare-equipped vehicle’s charge port and connect the adapter to the other end of your Mobile Connector. You can then use this adapter to plug in any compatible electronic device you want to power.
For now, Tesla says that this only works for the Cybertruck and you have to buy the $300 mobile charging connector, which doesn’t come with the truck.
Electrek’s Take
I guess it’s better than nothing, but I’m still super disappointed in the new trim. It makes no sense right now.
Not only you lose the 2x 120V, 1x 240V outlets in the bed, but you also lose the 2x 120V outlets in the cabin. Now, you can can pay $380 to have a “Macgyver” solution for 2 120V outlets in the back.
I’m convinced that Tesla designed this trim simply to make the $80,000 Cybertruck AWD look better value-wise.
It looks like Tesla took out about $20,000 worth of features while giving buyers only a $10,000 discount.
It’s just the latest example of Tesla losing its edge.
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The International Maritime Organization, a UN agency which regulates maritime transport, has voted to implement a global cap on carbon emissions from ocean shipping and a penalty on entities that exceed that limit.
After a weeklong meeting of the Marine Environment Protection Committee of the IMO and decades of talks, countries have voted to implement binding carbon reduction targets including a gradually-reducing cap on emissions and associated penalties for exceeding that cap.
Previously, the IMO made another significant environmental move when it transitioned the entire shipping industry to lower-sulfur fuels in 2020, moving towards improving a longstanding issue with large ships outputting extremely high levels of sulfur dioxide emissions, which harm human health and cause acid rain.
Today’s agreement makes the shipping industry the first sector to agree on an internationally mandated target to reduce emissions along with a global carbon price.
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The agreement includes standards for greenhouse gas intensity from maritime shipping fuels, with those standards starting in 2028 and reducing through 2035. The end goal is to reach net-zero emissions in shipping by 2050.
Companies that exceed the carbon limits set by the standard will have to pay either $100 or $380 per excess ton of emissions, depending on how much they exceed limits by. These numbers are roughly in line with the commonly-accepted social cost of carbon, which is an attempt to set the equivalent cost borne by society by every ton of carbon pollution.
Money from these penalties will be put into a fund that will reward lower-emissions ships, research into cleaner fuels, and support nations that are vulnerable to climate change.
That means that this agreement represents a global “carbon price” – an attempt to make polluters pay the costs that they shift onto everyone else by polluting.
Why carbon prices matter
The necessity of a carbon price has long been acknowledged by virtually every economist. In economic terms, pollution is called a “negative externality,” where a certain action imposes costs on a party that isn’t responsible for the action itself. That action can be thought of as a subsidy – it’s a cost imposed by the polluter that isn’t being paid by the polluter, but rather by everyone else.
Externalities distort a market because they allow certain companies to get away with cheaper costs than they should otherwise have. And a carbon price is an attempt to properly price that externality, to internalize it to the polluter in question, so that they are no longer being subsidized by everyone else’s lungs. This also incentivizes carbon reductions, because if you can make something more cleanly, you can make it more cheaply.
Many people have suggested implementing a carbon price, including former republican leadership (before the party forgot literally everything about how economics works), but political leadership has been hesitant to do what’s needed because it fears the inevitable political backlash driven by well-funded propaganda entities in the oil industry.
For that reason, most carbon pricing schemes have focused on industrial processes, rather than consumer goods. This is currently happening in Canada, which recently (unwisely) retreated from its consumer carbon price but still maintains a price on the largest polluters in the oil industry.
But until today’s agreement by the IMO, there had been no global agreement of the same in any industry. There are single-country carbon prices, and international agreements between certain countries or subnational entities, often in the form of “cap-and-trade” agreements which implement penalties, and where companies that reduce emissions earn credits that they can then sell to companies that exceed limits (California has a similar program in partnership with with Quebec), but no previous global carbon price in any industry.
Carbon prices opposed by enemies of life on Earth
Unsurprisingly, entities that favor destruction of life on Earth, such as the oil industry and those representing it (Saudi Arabia, Russia, and the bought-and-paid oil stooge who is illegally squatting in the US Oval Office), opposed these measures, claiming they would be “unworkable.”
Meanwhile, island nations whose entire existence is threatened by climate change (along with the ~2 billion people who will have to relocate by the end of the century due to rising seas) correctly said that the move isn’t strong enough, and that even stronger action is needed to avoid the worse effects of climate change.
The island nations’ position is backed by science, the oil companies’ position is not.
While these new standards are historic and need to be lauded as the first agreement of their kind, there is still more work to be done and incentives that need to be offered to ensure that greener technologies are available to help fulfill the targets. Jesse Fahnestock, Director of Decarbonisation at the Global Maritime Forum, said:
While the targets are a step forward, they will need to be improved if they are to drive the rapid fuel shift that will enable the maritime sector to reach net zero by 2050. While we applaud the progress made, meeting the targets will require immediate and decisive investments in green fuel technology and infrastructure. The IMO will have opportunities to make these regulations more impactful over time, and national and regional policies also need to prioritise scalable e-fuels and the infrastructure needed for long-term decarbonisation.
One potential solution could be IMO’s “green corridors,” attempts to establish net-zero-emission shipping routes well in advance of the IMO’s 2050 net-zero target.
And, of course, this is only one industry, and one with a relatively low contribution to global emissions. While the vast majority of global goods are shipped over the ocean, it’s still responsible for only around 3% of global emissions. To see the large emissions reductions we need to avoid the worst effects of climate change, other more-polluting sectors – like automotive, agriculture (specifically animal agriculture), construction and heating – all could use their own carbon price to help add a forcing factor to drive down their emissions.
Lets hope that the IMO’s move sets that example, and we see more of these industries doing the right thing going forward (and ignoring those enemies of life on Earth listed above).
The agreement still has to go through a final step of approval on October, but this looks likely to happen.
Even without a carbon price, many homeowners can save money on their electricity bills today by going solar. And if you’re considering going solar, it’s always a good idea to get quotes from a few installers. To make sure you find a trusted, reliable solar installer near you that offers competitive pricing, check out EnergySage, a free service that makes it easy for you to go solar. It has hundreds of pre-vetted solar installers competing for your business, ensuring you get high-quality solutions and save 20-30% compared to going it alone. Plus, it’s free to use, and you won’t get sales calls until you select an installer and share your phone number with them.
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In the Electrek Podcast, we discuss the most popular news in the world of sustainable transport and energy. In this week’s episode, we discuss the new Tesla Cybertruck RWD, more tariff mayhem, Lucid buying Nikola, and more.
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Here’s the live stream for today’s episode starting at 4:00 p.m. ET (or the video after 5 p.m. ET):
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