Today saw a shift in rhetoric from Chancellor Rachel Reeves as she moved to promise the Labour conference a more optimistic vision for the country.
But quietly there also appears to have been a shift in approach, which could mean a markedly different landscape for public spending come the budget on 30 October, allowing far greater scope for Labour to borrow and spend.
The easiest way to see the change is to compare the chancellor’s actions before and after the summer.
In July, when Ms Reeves created the £22bn “black hole”, she gave us a taste of how she intended to fill it.
Not only was there the means testing of the winter fuel allowance, but she did something the Treasury have been wanting for years – to cancel a whole load of investment projects, including road building with the A303 down to Cornwall, as well as delaying the hospital building programme.
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This was as striking as it was confusing. Such projects would be the cornerstone of any government’s growth plan.
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Yet in the eternal tension in Labour between fiscal discipline and growth, the former had won out seemingly at the expense of the latter.
And Treasury mandarins at the time were clear. The best way to fill an immediate £22bn black hole would always be to delay or can these investments – or capital projects.
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There is no doubt that some tax rises, welfare cuts and spending curbs may be in the mix. But I am told that borrowing might also be used to plug this hole.
This is by no means certain – the government’s first fiscal rule could yet prevent this from happening.
But I am told they may reduce the amount of cuts or tax rises simply by putting it on the nation’s credit card once more.
This is just one of the ways that the government may allow itself to borrow more.
There is the well-trailed discussion about redefining debt in the second fiscal rule – a technical change that could free up £15bn or more.
There’s discussion about how to treat other assets like GB Energy on the balance sheet, which again could allow the government to borrow more within its rules.
The markets are unlikely to take fright. They have been convinced, it seems, by the vibe of Ms Reeves as an iron chancellor.
However, there is now a chance the optimistic vision she outlined today could come sooner than we think – thanks to higher borrowing.
And tens of billions of pounds of borrowing depends on the answer – which still feels intriguingly opaque.
You might think you know what the fiscal rules are. And you might think you know they’re not negotiable.
For instance, the main fiscal rule says that from 2029-30, the government’s day-to-day spending needs to be in surplus – i.e. rely on taxation alone, not borrowing.
And Rachel Reeves has been clear – that’s not going to change, and there’s no disputing this.
But when the government announced its fiscal rules in October, it actually published a 19-page document – a “charter” – alongside this.
And this contains all sorts of notes and caveats. And it’s slightly unclear which are subject to the “iron clad” promise – and which aren’t.
There’s one part of that document coming into focus – with sources telling me that it could get changed.
And it’s this – a little-known buffer built into the rules.
This says that from spring 2027, if the OBR forecasts that she still actually has a deficit of up to 0.5% of GDP in three years, she will still be judged to be within the rules.
In other words, if in spring 2027 she’s judged to have missed her fiscal rules by perhaps as much as £15bn, that’s fine.
Image: A change could save the chancellor some headaches. Pic: PA
Now there’s a caveat – this exemption only applies, providing at the following budget the chancellor reduces that deficit back to zero.
But still, it’s potentially helpful wiggle room.
This help – this buffer – for Reeves doesn’t apply today, or for the next couple of years – it only kicks in from the spring of 2027.
But I’m being told by a source that some of this might change and the ability to use this wiggle room could be brought forward to this year. Could she give herself a get out of jail card?
The chancellor could gamble that few people would notice this technical change, and it might avoid politically catastrophic tax hikes – but only if the markets accept it will mean higher borrowing than planned.
But the question is – has Rachel Reeves ruled this out by saying her fiscal rules are iron clad or not?
Or to put it another way… is the whole of the 19-page Charter for Budget Responsibility “iron clad” and untouchable, or just the rules themselves?
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And what counts as “rules” and are therefore untouchable, and what could fall outside and could still be changed?
I’ve been pressing the Treasury for a statement.
And this morning, they issued one.
A spokesman said: “The fiscal rules as set out in the Charter for Budget Responsibility are iron clad, and non-negotiable, as are the definition of the rules set out in the document itself.”
So that sounds clear – but what is a definition of the rule? Does it include this 0.5% of GDP buffer zone?
The Treasury does concede that not everything in the charter is untouchable – including the role and remit of the OBR, and the requirements for it to publish a specific list of fiscal metrics.
But does that include that key bit? Which bits can Reeves still tinker with?
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