The new leader of Hamas’s political bureau was the architect of the 7 October attack, according to Israel.
Yahya Sinwar has led Hamas within Gaza since 2017, having joined its ranks in the early 1980s.
Following the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in July, Sinwar succeeded him as head of the political bureau, taking control of the entire group.
Believed to be the architect of the 7 October attacks, he is Israel’s most wanted – a “dead man walking”, according to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who at one point claimed to have him “surrounded and isolated” in a bunker.
Just over a year since the most recent escalation in the region began, on 17 October the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) tentatively said they were “checking the possibility” that a strike in Gaza had killed the 61-year-old whose nicknames include “the face of evil”, “butcher of Khan Younis”, and “man of 12” – in reference to 12 suspected informers he is believed to have killed.
Granted fatwa by Hamas founder to kill collaborators
Sinwar was born in a refugee camp in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, in 1962.
He studied Arabic at the Islamic University of Gaza, which was founded in 1978 by the two men who went on to set up Hamas almost a decade later.
There he became particularly close to one of them, the cleric Sheikh Ahmed Yassin.
Yassin and Mahmoud al-Zahar co-founded Hamas in 1987 as a Gaza-based political splinter group of the Muslim Brotherhood.
According to Israeli reports, Sinwar said Yassin granted him a fatwa (a ruling in Islamic law) to kill anyone suspected of collaborating with the Israelis.
Image: At a rally following the 2021 ceasefire in Gaza City. Pic: AP
He was first arrested for subversive activities in 1982. In prison, he met other key members of Hamas, including Salah Shehade, the former leader of its military wing the Qassam Brigades.
After being arrested and imprisoned again in 1985, he was put in charge of Hamas’s internal security branch, the Majd Force, which sought out and killed suspected Israeli spies.
Dr Ahron Bregman, a former Israeli army major – and now senior teaching fellow in war studies and the Arab-Israeli conflict at King’s College London, said: “The Israelis tried for many years to recruit him as a collaborator himself, offering him massive incentives.
“But it never worked with Sinwar. In fact he became notorious for killing Palestinians suspected of collaborating.”
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2:01
Analysed: Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar ‘surrounded in his bunker’
Learnt fluent Hebrew in prison
In 1988 he helped abduct and kill two Israeli Defence Force soldiers, which saw him sentenced to 22 years in an Israeli prison.
Despite being incarcerated, Sinwar used the time to his advantage – learning fluent Hebrew to better understand his enemy and ascending to become leader of Hamas prisoners in Israel.
Dr Bregman says: “He would read Israeli newspapers on a daily basis. He understood them way better than they understood him – hence his ability to deceive them and catch them off guard by executing his military operation so effectively in October 2023.”
Image: Sinwar at a rally in Gaza City on 14 December 2022. Pic: AP
Fifteen years into his prison sentence, he went on Israeli television and spoke in Hebrew, calling for a truce with Hamas.
He was released in 2011 as part of the swap of more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners for just one hostage Israeli soldier – Gilad Shalit.
Commenting on his imprisonment afterwards, Sinwar said: “They wanted the prison to be a grave for us. A mill to grind our will, determination and bodies.
“But thank God, with our belief in our cause we turned the prison into sanctuaries of worship and academies for study.”
Image: Pictured in April 2022. Pic: AP
Forced suspected informer to bury his own brother
Back in Gaza he continued to increase his influence among Hamas’s highest ranks.
He remained committed to his original task of unmasking and killing traitors – both Israeli collaborators and members of rival militant groups.
A former member of Israeli intelligence told the Financial Times that he once boasted about forcing a Hamas member suspected of informing for a competing faction to “bury his own brother alive… handing him a spoon to finish the job”.
In 2015 he is thought to have been involved in the torture and killing of fellow Hamas commander Mahmoud Ishtiwi.
He was accused of embezzlement and “moral crimes”, including alleged homosexual activity, with Sinwar thought to have orchestrated his murder over fears he could compromise the group.
Commenting on how he killed another collaborator, he told how he and a group of others blindfolded Ishitiwi and drove him to a makeshift grave, before strangling him with a kaffiyeh (Arabic male headdress) and burying him there.
Image: At a meeting with leaders of other Palestinian factions in Gaza City in April 2022. Pic: AP
‘Mythical figure’ in Palestinian history
The same year he is thought to have killed Ishtiwi, he was designated a terrorist by the US government.
He replaced Haniyeh as Hamas leader in Gaza in early 2017 and was re-elected in 2021, later surviving an assassination attempt.
Three years later, following Haniyeh’s own eventual assassination in Tehran, Sinwar would succeed him once more as political chief.
As leader he has increased the group’s use of force, stepping up protests and rocket fire at the Israeli border.
With his military background, he is seen as someone capable of uniting Hamas’s armed and political wings.
Image: At a rally of Hamas’s military wing in Gaza. Pic: AP
Dr Bregman describes him as a “man of few words” and a “natural leader… charismatic, secretive and manipulative”.
“He will be remembered as the architect of the 7 October attacks and the person who inflicted on the Israelis their most terrible disaster since the establishment of their state in 1948,” he adds.
Israel’s chief military spokesman, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari, also blamed Sinwar for the 7 October attack and said Israel would continue to pursue him.
Although his methods have been “barbaric”, Dr Bregman believes it will be seen, “from a Palestinian point of view, in spite of the terrible price they are paying now, as a great victory”.
“Sinwar has earned a place in the pantheon of great Palestinian leaders,” he adds.
Image: Pro-Hamas rally pledging allegiance to Sinwar in Khan Younis in May 2022. Pic: AP
Testimonies from people on the ground in Gaza, however, suggest his violent methods have left many of them disillusioned with Hamas.
With Israel’s promise to destroy Hamas and all of its leaders, Dr Bregman believes they will “get him in the end”.
On 17 October, just over a year after the 7 October attacks, the IDF said: “During IDF operations in Gaza, 3 terrorists were eliminated.
“The IDF and ISA are checking the possibility that one of the terrorists was Yahya Sinwar.
“At this stage, the identity of the terrorists cannot be confirmed.”
Dr Bregman says: “Whatever his fate, there is no doubt Sinwar will go down in Palestinian history as a mythical figure.”
A group of school children in their smart uniforms skip past us, overseen by their mums and dads.
In front of us, the highway is empty of all cars except for two armoured police vehicles slowly making their way up a hill.
The children and their parents are on “Airport Road”, which leads into the centre of Port-au-Prince, the capital of Haiti. The airport is a few miles away to the north.
The parents are leading the children to an intersection where they will turn right towards their homes.
Image: Police use heavily-armoured vehicles to patrol in Port-au-Prince
Everything beyond that intersection is gang territory, and nobody ventures past it but the police, who appear to be probing the gangs’ defences.
This part of the Airport Road, beyond the intersection and stretching for miles, is an area controlled by the gangster Jimmy Cherizier, known here and abroad as “Barbecue”.
The security forces are desperate to capture Barbecue, himself a former policeman, and to dismantle his gang.
Image: A boy sleeps at the bottom of a staircase inside a displacement camp
As the families near the intersection, automatic gunfire bursts from the turret of one of the armoured police vehicles. Instantly the children and their parents run for safety, hugging a wall – they know what is about to happen.
Within seconds the police are being attacked with volleys of machine gun fire. We watch, holding our breaths, and thankfully all the children make it round the corner to the relative safety of a side street.
They live on the edge of what’s called the “red zone” where the gangs control the streets.
Security forces want to take it back.
Image: Getting out of the cars would be suicide for police officers
The first armoured police vehicle makes it into Barbecue’s territory unscathed, but the second vehicle is hit.
One of its tyres is punctured, so they have no choice but to turn back.
The firing intensifies as the police vehicle makes its way down the hill, and we can hear the crack of bullets as the gangs target the police.
My team and I are travelling in two separate armoured 4x4s. The police are the targets, and we are filming their exchanges with gang members hidden up the hill and in side streets, firing from multiple positions.
As the police vehicle nears the intersection once again, it comes under sustained fire.
At this point the streets and the intersection are completely empty of people and traffic, anyone in the vicinity has taken cover.
A stray round passes uncomfortably close by our team still outside the vehicles, so we decide it’s time to go, and reverse as the armoured police vehicle loses its tyre, rolling forward on its rim.
Image: Children caught in the crossfire in Port-au-Prince
Getting out would be suicidal for the police. The vehicle limps towards another crossroads to get away from the firing.
This, I’m told, is just an ordinary day in Port-au-Prince.
Nobody can fully agree on a number, but by most estimates, the gangs control around 90% of Port-au-Prince now. People don’t venture into their areas, and cars turn away from the boundaries to avoid being hit by sniper fire from inside or being caught in the crossfire.
Image: Barbara Gashiwi and baby Jenna
Hundreds of thousands of Haitians have lost their homes, and many now find themselves in heaving makeshift displacement camps. They huddle for protection, but in reality there really isn’t much on offer.
In a narrow alleyway in a camp set up in the grounds of a church, I meet Barbara Gashiwi, a new mum. She gave birth to her daughter Jenna a month ago, beneath the plastic sheets where she still sits.
Barbara was forced out of her home by the gangs days before she was due to give birth.
Image: Barbara Gashiwi tells Sky News she doesn’t think she’ll ever be able to go home
“They pulled guns on us and told us to give up the house, after that we ran outside on to the street and took off,” she told me.
She says she doesn’t think she will ever go back to her home again. Very few of the 10,500 people living in this one displacement camp believe they will ever go home.
Image: The gang warfare has left some Port-au-Prince streets completely derelict
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At the time we walked in off the street, but this time we could barely move for the crowds – the forecourt is now a camp too, and the difference is stark.
The government has abandoned this and other ministries, moving higher up to safer ground, leaving whole communities on their own.
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3:53
March 2024: Thousands flee Haiti violence
The gangs’ lawless, and often murderous, activity means that the roughly 10% of Port-au-Prince still free is packed with people and traffic.
Just a few districts in Port-au-Prince are left, and they’re completed surrounded, leaving the people who live in this city squeezed into the only places that haven’t fallen.
Image: The few free districts in the capital are packed with people and traffic
It’s hard to describe the claustrophobia and tension that pervades life here.
And with everything else happening in the world right now, the people of Haiti feel they’ve been abandoned, and are condemned to live their lives under the rule of the gun.
Stuart Ramsay reports from Haiti with camera operator Toby Nash, senior foreign producer Dominique Van Heerden, and producers Brunelie Joseph and David Montgomery.
Romania and its judiciary now face a difficult choice
It’s three days since I asked George Simion if he would accept the result if he lost, and he said “yes” with the sort of shrug that suggested it was a stupid question.
Turns out it was quite a good question, after all.
Because Mr Simion has just stated that he won’t accept the result, after all.
He’s alleging the French government tried to limit the amount of his campaign material that appeared on social media, echoing an accusation made by Pavel Durov, the Russian founder of the messaging app Telegram.
Durov claimed “a Western government” had asked his company “to silence conservative voices in Romania” ahead of the election.
He added an emoji of a baguette on to his message as a not-too-subtle clue to the government he meant.
Durov is enmeshed in a legal row with French authorities. He was arrested by French police in August 2024, facing the allegation that a lack of content moderation on Telegram had allowed criminal activities.
He was forced to remain in France until two months ago, when he was allowed to return to his home in Dubai.
Simion has now told his followers to only use Telegram, adopting that to be their only form of communication.
What this means for Romania is more turmoil and more rancour.
Nicusor Dan is due to be installed as president just at a time when Simion is encouraging his millions of supporters to deluge the country’s highest court with demands that the election be run again.
But the country, and its judiciary, face a difficult choice.
They annulled the December election on the basis of evidence that even Georgescu’s opponents thought was questionable.
Can they really now ignore Simion’s claims and press on regardless without accusations that they favour the mainstream politicians over the populists?
And that, of course, would hugely fuel Simion’s long-running accusation that the establishment is out to thwart him.
The UK and EU have placed fresh sanctions on Russia as the Kremlin refused to put a timeline on ceasefire talks with Ukraine.
The UK’s Foreign Office said a total of 100 further sanctions will target Russia’s military, energy and financial sectors.
The new measures will target the supply chains of Russian weapons systems, including Iskander missiles, Kremlin-funded information operations, financial institutions that help Russia evade sanctions and ships in the Kremlin’s “shadow fleet” of oil tankers.
The Foreign Office said Vladimir Putin had repeatedly fired Iskander missiles into crowded civilian areas “with a callous disregard for life”, including on 13 April in Sumy when 34 civilians, including children, were killed as some headed to Palm Sunday services.
Similarly, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said an 18th package of EU sanctions against Russia is already being worked on.
“It’s time to intensify the pressure on Russia to bring about the ceasefire,” she said on X, after a phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
These new sanctions are being imposed to ratchet up pressure on Mr Putin after Russia fired 273 drones at Ukrainian cities on Saturday, the biggest drone attack since it invaded Ukraine in February 2022.
Image: Firefighters put out a fire after Russia carried out its biggest drone attack in Ukraine. Pic: AP
Foreign Secretary David Lammy said: “Putin’s latest strikes once again show his true colours as a warmonger.
“We urge him to agree a full, unconditional ceasefire right away so there can be talks on a just and lasting peace.
“We have been clear that delaying peace efforts will only redouble our resolve to help Ukraine to defend itself and use our sanctions to restrict Putin’s war machine.”
Putin-Trump call portrayed as battle for the US president’s affections
The mood in Russia is upbeat, bordering on triumphant, following Monday’s phone call between Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump.
“The tone of the conversation was excellent,” crows the headline in the newspaper Argumenty i Fakty, quoting the American president’s assessment of the conversation.
Trump has “accepted the Russian formula” of “negotiations first, ceasefire after”, the paper brags.
Another, Komsomolskaya Pravda, runs with Putin’s description of the call as their main headline: “We are on the right track”.
According to the pro-Kremlin paper, Trump’s approach shows the United States “is not going to indulge [Volodymyr] Zelenskyy and Europe”.
Much of the coverage portrays the call as a battle for Trump’s affections, with Russia emerging victorious despite the influence of “Western hawks”.
“[Trump] did not heed their requests,” says Argumenty i Fakty, referring to Europe’s calls for tougher sanctions.
Following Donald Trump’s two-hour call with Mr Putin on Monday, the US president said Russia and Ukraine will immediately start negotiations for a ceasefire; however, the Kremlin gave no timeline despite Mr Zelenskyy agreeing to one months ago.
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2:17
Analysis: The Trump-Putin call
New British sanctions have also been placed on 14 more members of the Social Design Agency (SDA), which carries out Kremlin-funded information operations to undermine sovereignty, democracy and the rule of law in Ukraine and across the world.
The UK had previously sanctioned the SDA and several of its leaders last year, but all levels of the organisation are now being targeted.
Image: Russian servicemen training in Ukraine. Pic: Russian Defense Ministry Press Service
Another 46 financial institutions that help Russia evade sanctions have also been targeted.
Sanctions have also been placed on a further 18 ships, following 110 earlier this month, in Russia’s “shadow fleet”, which carry Russian oil under different flags (often Liberian) to continue shipping oil around the world despite sanctions that have placed a price cap on Russian oil.
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John Ormerod, a British national who procured ships for Russia’s shadow fleet has been sanctioned, and two Russian captains of shadow fleet tankers.
The UK and Western allies are looking to lower the price cap of Russian crude oil from $60 a barrel to prevent profits from being used to fund the war.
Image: Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin in 2018. File pic: Reuters
The Foreign Office said UK and other Western sanctions have severely hit Russia’s economy, with its GDP shrinking in the first quarter of the year and the non-defence economy in recession for some time.
It said security and defence spending now accounts for more than 40% of Russia’s federal budget, with Mr Putin raising taxes and cutting social spending to continue the war.