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Chancellor Rachel Reeves will deliver her first budget at the end of October, providing the first chance for her to change the fiscal rules.

Upon entering government in July, the government said the Conservatives left it with a £22bn black hole, so the chancellor is expected to use the 30 October budget to raise some of that.

Ms Reeves said in November, when asked if she would consider changing the debt target, she was “not going to fiddle the figures or make something to get different results”.

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However, she has been urged to alter the rules to let the government access £57bn, according to the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) thinktank.

Six days before the budget, Ms Reeves revealed she will be changing the rules.

Sky News looks at what a fiscal rule is, what the Labour government’s rules currently are and how they will change.

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Sir Keir Starmer congratulated Rachel Reeves after she addressed the Labour Party conference in Liverpool. Pic: PA
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Sir Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves at the Labour conference. Pic: PA

What are fiscal rules?

A fiscal rule is a limit or restriction governments put in place to constrain how much they can borrow to fund public spending.

They can be set by an independent body but since 1997 UK governments have set their own constraints.

Rules apply to the fiscal deficit – the gap between public expenditure and tax revenues in a year – the public debt – the total amount borrowed to finance past deficits – or public spending relative to GDP.

In 2010, the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) was set up to remove the Treasury’s ultimate control over the forecasts that underpin fiscal policy.

The Economics Observatory said the OBR’s creation means fiscal rules should be seen as an “expression of a government’s objectives, not something that dictates those objectives”.

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Chancellor expected to change fiscal rules

What are the current fiscal rules?

The Labour Party’s manifesto laid out the new government’s fiscal rules, describing them as “non-negotiable”. They are:

1) The current budget must move into balance so day-to-day costs are met by revenues

2) Debt must be falling as a percentage of GDP by the fifth year of the forecast – this was carried over from the Conservative government.

How will the fiscal rules change?

The rules themselves will not change.

However, the chancellor has confirmed she will change how debt is calculated, which will alter how much debt the UK officially has “so we can free up that money to invest”, she said.

Ms Reeves told Sky News she is changing the way debt is measured “because there are massive opportunities to invest in Britain and to get the growth and the jobs of the future here for the UK”.

She told the Labour conference “borrowing for investment” is the only plausible solution to the UK’s productivity crisis.

By changing her definition of debt, she could find up to £50bn in additional headroom.

However, the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) has warned against borrowing that much money.

Paul Johnson, director of the IFS, said Labour’s pledge not to increase income tax, national insurance or VAT, coupled with a promise to balance the current budget, means she will not be able to free up additional resources for day-to-day spending.

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Will Rachel Reeves U-turn on her budget promise?

How will debt now be calculated?

The chancellor said she would set out details of how debt will be measured at the budget.

However, she is widely expected to use “public sector net financial liabilities” (PSNFL) to measure debt.

This is a wider measure of the balance sheet than public sector net debt, the most commonly used measure of debt since 1997.

It effectively creates more room for borrowing by reclassifying some government debt as assets.

Funded pension schemes, such as local government schemes, and outstanding loans, including student loans, are the main liabilities included in PSNFL.

Using this method to measure debt is expected to leave about £50bn of headroom for borrowing to invest.

Ed Conway speaks to Bank of England governor Andrew Bailey after he announced interest rates would be cut
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Bank of England governor Andrew Bailey introduced quantitative tightening in 2022

Quantitative Easing

Another idea the chancellor is said to be weighing up is excluding the £20bn to £50bn annual losses being incurred by the Bank of England winding down its quantitative easing (QE) bond-buying programme.

Since the 2008 financial crisis, the Bank of England has repeatedly used QE to stimulate the economy and meet the 2% inflation target – creating £875bn of new money in 13 years.

During QE, the Bank buys bonds (debt security issued by the government) to push up their prices and bring down long-term interest rates on savings and loans.

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How fiscal rules are impeding long-term investments – and what Rachel Reeves can do about it

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Since November 2022, the Bank has been carrying out quantitative tightening, where it does not buy other bonds when bonds it holds mature, or by actively selling bonds to investors, or a combination of the two.

The aim is not to affect interest rates or inflation but to ensure it is possible QE can happen again in the future, if needed.

In February, the cross-party Treasury committee raised concerns quantitative tightening could have losses of between £50bn and £130bn and said it could have “huge implications” for public spending over the next decade.

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What will the budget include?

Exclude new institutions

There are suggestions the chancellor could move GB Energy and the National Wealth Fund, both created by Labour, off the government’s books.

Andy King, a former senior official at the OBR, estimates that could unlock a further £15bn for borrowing.

Exclude projects

Another option would be to exclude certain projects from the debt calculation.

Government officials have said they are working on a plan to publish estimates for how much new capital projects could stimulate growth and how much money they would generate directly for the Treasury.

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After six months of planning, Reform’s immigration policy is as clear as mud

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After six months of planning, Reform's immigration policy is as clear as mud

Reform’s plan was meant to be detailed. Instead, there’s more confusion.

The party had grown weary of the longstanding criticism that their tough talk on immigration did not come with a full proposal for what they would do to tackle small boats if they came to power.

So, after six months of planning, yesterday they attempted to put flesh on to the bones of their flagship policy.

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At an expensive press conference in a vast airhanger in Oxford, the headline news was clear: Reform UK would deport anyone who comes here by small boat, arresting, detaining and then deporting up to 600,000 people in the first five years of governing.

They would leave international treaties and repeal the Human Rights Act to do it

But, one day later, that policy is clear as mud when it comes to who this would apply to.

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Nigel Farage launched an airport-style departures board to illustrate how many illegal migrants have arrived in the UK. Pic: PA
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Nigel Farage launched an airport-style departures board to illustrate how many illegal migrants have arrived in the UK. Pic: PA

I asked Farage at the time of the announcement whether this would apply to women and girls – an important question – as the basis for their extreme policy seemed to hinge on the safety of women and girls in the UK.

He was unequivocal: “Yes, women and children, everybody on arrival will be detained.

“And I’ve accepted already that how we deal with children is a much more complicated and difficult issue.”

But a day later, he appeared to row back on this stance at a press conference in Scotland, saying Reform is “not even discussing women and children at this stage”.

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He later clarified that if a single woman came by boat, then they could fall under the policy, but if “a woman comes with children, we will work out the best thing to do”.

A third clarification in the space of 24 hours on a flagship policy they worked on over six months seems like a pretty big gaffe, and it only feeds into the Labour criticism that these plans aren’t yet credible.

If they had hoped to pivot from rhetoric to rigour, this announcement showed serious pitfalls.

But party strategists probably will not be tearing out too much hair over this, with polling showing Reform UK still as the most trusted party on the issue of immigration overall.

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