Could budget ‘jiggery-pokery’ scare investors?
Budgets are all about numbers.
In the coming 24 hours, we’ll be engulfed with all sorts of figures – about the state of the economy, about the size of the deficit, about the fiscal rules the new chancellor is planning to introduce in the coming months.
But in fact most budgets, this one included, can really be boiled down to the difference between two big numbers.
Politics live blog: Budget 2024 latest developments
Total government spending and total government receipts.
Right now the UK government is spending just over £1.2trn a year and bringing in just over £1.1trn in taxes and receipts.
In other words, this country is spending more than it generates in tax receipts.
So it has to borrow the difference.
That borrowing, also known as the deficit, is (as you’ve already probably worked out from the above numbers) around £100bn a year.
And politicians, including the chancellor, spend rather a lot of time fretting about the deficit.
Indeed, the main objective of the various different fiscal rules they’ve imposed on themselves in recent decades has been to narrow the gap between those two big numbers.
Broadly speaking, the easiest way to do this is to cut something few people notice in the short run – government investment.
When he came into office in 2010, George Osborne cut a lot of parts of public spending, but he absolutely slashed the amount the public sector spent on buildings, infrastructure and machinery – capital spending.
Having lifted the total briefly after the pandemic, Jeremy Hunt was planning a similar fall in investment in the coming years.
Rachel Reeves has said repeatedly ahead of the budget that she plans to invest far more in the coming years.
This is a noble goal, given investment tends to benefit future generations, however, it will not be cheap in the short run.
Indeed, keeping investment spending at current levels will cost roughly £30bn a year by the end of this decade.
So how does the chancellor square that with her fiscal rules?
Well, one part of the answer is that she’s planning to increase the revenues coming into the Exchequer, reportedly via higher national insurance charges for insurers.
But the other part of the answer is that she’s changing her fiscal rules as well.
Budget 2024: Rachel Reeves vs the fiscal rules
The long and the short of it is that Ms Reeves looks likely to choose a set of fiscal rules that ignore investment spending.
Both her updated debt rule and her current budget rule essentially omit capital spending – although they include debt interest costs, so she can’t just borrow willy-nilly.
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That might sound like fiscal jiggery-pokery, and some in the market fret that investors will soon take fright as a result.
Indeed, some suggest they already are, and point to the fact the UK’s cost of government borrowing – as measured by the benchmark 10-year bond yield – has risen from under 4% to nearly 4.3% in the past month alone.
However, this is a slight misreading of this market, which is as affected by global economic factors and central bank action as much as by UK budgetary policy.
Indeed, compare the recent changes in the UK’s borrowing rates with those in Germany and the US and British government bond yields are close to where they usually trade in the run up to a budget.
And they are far, far below where they were in the run-up to Liz Truss’s mini-budget.
Even so, there are bound to be a few unexpected surprises and some relevant new data points in this fiscal event.
It is a budget after all.
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When Nigel Farage’s Reform UK is just one point behind you in the opinion polls, the last thing you want to be reminded about is Brexit.
If you’re Sir Keir Starmer, that is.
No doubt Poland’s prime minister, Donald Tusk, was trying to be friendly. After all, as Sir Keir said, they share a passion for Arsenal Football Club.
But when Mr Tusk declared at their joint news conference in Warsaw that his dream was “instead of a Brexit, we will have a Breturn”, Sir Keir visibly cringed.
Was it an ambush? Not quite. But it was certainly awkward for the UK prime minister. He stood stiffly and didn’t respond, not once uttering the word “Brexit”.
Mr Tusk, however, has form for bemoaning Brexit. He was, after all, the president of the European Council when the UK voted to leave the EU in 2016.
He might now be in his second spell as Poland’s PM, but his five years at the EU make him the ultimate Brussels insider, who’s never made any attempt to hide his feelings on Brexit.
Prior to the UK referendum, in September 2015, he said Brexit “could be the beginning of the destruction of not only the EU but also of western political civilisation in its entirety”.
His most outspoken attack on the UK’s Eurosceptics came in 2019 when the-then prime minister Theresa May was struggling to get a deal. He spoke of “what the special place in hell looks like for those who promoted Brexit“.
Sir Keir also visited Ukraine on his trip to Eastern Europe. Pic: PA
Standing alongside Sir Keir, he revealed that “for obvious reasons” they discussed co-operation between the UK and the EU. He recalled that his emotional reaction to the referendum in 2016 was “I already miss you”.
He went on: “This is not just about emotions and sentiments – I am aware this is a dream of mine, that instead of a Brexit we will have a Breturn.
“Perhaps I’m labouring under an illusion. I’d rather be an optimist and harbour these dreams in my heart – sometimes they come true in politics.”
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A dream? Or a calculated move? As a Brussels insider, was Mr Tusk speaking for the EU as a whole? Was he doing Brussels’ bidding?
He may have returned to lead his homeland, but he remains a key player in Brussels.
On becoming Poland’s PM in 2023, he ended a dispute with Brussels which unlocked billions of frozen EU funds for his country.
He also orchestrated the return of his centre-right ally Ursula von der Leyen as European Commission president.
And Poland has just taken over the rotating presidency of the EU, which means Mr Tusk will be hugely influential once again, chairing meetings and setting agendas.
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Poland is back in the European mainstream. It’s where Mr Tusk would like the UK to be as well.
It’s where, privately, Sir Keir would like the UK to be. It’s just that with Reform UK almost neck and neck with Labour in the polls, he daren’t say so.
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