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Imagine being four years old. One minute your dad is reading you a bedtime story. The next he is lying on the doorstep of your family home, drawing his final breaths.

Blood is seeping from bullet wounds to his face and body, pooling in the hallway, while the innocent eyes of a young boy gaze from the nearby staircase, unable to comprehend he was witnessing an event that would change his life forever.

“I still get that image of my dad in nightmares,” Andrew Wilson, now aged 24, says as he relives the childhood horror he experienced, two decades on from the gangland-style attack that killed his father, Alistair.

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‘Doorstep murder’ case explained

Warning: Contains descriptions some readers may find distressing

Andrew is quiet as he shows me a picture of him and his bank manager dad, taken hours before the fatal evening of 28 November 2004.

The beaming smiles of father and son, captured on a grainy film camera, resemble old photos that usually gather dust in well-thumbed family photo albums. The picture was taken during a relaxed walk in the woods, and shows them both wearing blue outdoor jackets, holding hands. Andrew comes up to his dad’s hip and is leaning his head on his arm.

But this is all Andrew has left. It is the last image of his father alive.

The final photo of Andrew and Alistair
Image:
The final photo of Andrew and Alistair

The gunman vanished into the night

The contrast between the family fun on a Sunday afternoon with the brutal violence that would follow the same day is eerie.

The murder of Alistair Wilson is one of Britain’s longest-running unsolved cases.

Even the brightest and most seasoned detectives have been baffled by the fact a gunman carried out such a brutal execution in a sleepy Highland town before vanishing into the night, never to be caught.

No motive has ever been established, although in recent years police have zoned in on a planning dispute across the road.

Andrew is now 24, and grew up without a father
Image:
Andrew is now 24, and grew up without a father

The absence of his father is something Andrew has been forced to come to terms with.

“A lot of my friends’ dads were very good. My uncles all tried to have their influence on me but it wasn’t the same. I remember my grandad teaching me how to kick a football properly… that’s something my dad would have taught me”, he says.

Speaking with a Highland lilt in his voice, he ponders the small but significant moments he missed out on like sharing his “first legal pint” with his dad on his 18th birthday.

“I blanked out a lot of my childhood memories,” he says.

Andrew has had to come to terms with growing up without a father
Image:
Andrew has had to come to terms with growing up without a father

The knock at the door

It all began on Crescent Road, a long side street in Nairn. Victorian three-storey houses sit near a church, while a nearby beach looks out across the Moray Firth. Crime was rare – there hadn’t been a murder in Nairn for almost 20 years.

Alistair was upstairs with his two young boys, getting them ready for bed when there was a knock at the door. His wife, Veronica, answered a stranger who asked for her husband by name.

The house on Crescent Road
Image:
The house on Crescent Road

Envelope with ‘Paul’ written on it

Nothing about that interaction seemed to raise suspicion or cause alarm, and Alistair left the boys to come downstairs.

The stranger handed him an empty blue envelope with the word “Paul” written on it, and he closed the door. But bewildered, Alistair opened it again to ask questions. He was instantly shot in a gangland-style attack.

Andrew talks about the family’s plans to visit his dad’s grave, to commemorate the anniversary of his murder.

“He would have been 50 this year,” he says. His tone of voice is matter-of-fact, but his gaze wanders off.

“The whole family got together and marked it.”

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The weapon used in the murder
Image:
A replica of the weapon used in the murder. Pic: Police Scotland

A planning dispute

Speculation has run rife over the years in Nairn as to the motives behind the murder. Could it have been connected to Alistair’s career at the bank? Could a hitman have carried it out? Andrew says the worst part was when his mum was rumoured to be a suspect.

“It was difficult when people would say it was mum,” he says, emotion audible in his voice for the first time. Sounding protective, Andrew edges forward in his seat.

“I got in trouble at school for fighting because someone would say it was my mum,” he says. “I’d already lost a parent, and my other one was being made out to be something I knew they weren’t. That was my biggest struggle.”

Veronica and Alistair on their wedding day
Image:
Veronica and Alistair on their wedding day

Owner remains a key witness

Andrew is full of praise for how his mother dealt with being the focus of such hurtful gossip, while being both mother and father to her two sons. “She has done an amazing job,” he says.

In more recent years, police thought a possible motive could be linked to a planning objection Alastair had to a large decking area being built at the pub across the road from his house. His opposition was made public three days before he was killed.

Could a planning grievance really trigger such violence?

Police have stressed the then owner of the venue, who now lives in Canada, is a key witness and not a suspect.

Andrew was a young father when he was shot
Image:
Alistair was a young father when he was shot

‘Murkier and murkier’

Relations between Alistair Wilson’s family and Police Scotland were typically strong. There was no reason to question the strategy and the abilities of officers to do their jobs properly. When detectives told them, 18 months ago, that they were going to make an arrest, they were elated – finally it seemed justice might be done. But it wasn’t to be – the police went silent, and after chasing them for an answer, they found out the arrest had been cancelled.

From there it got “murkier and murkier”, Andrew says, with no explanation given. He and his family feel “let down” by the police, he says, and have no confidence they will ever catch the killer.

They are now calling for Police Scotland Chief Constable Jo Farrell, who was appointed in October 2023, to resign and take responsibility for her “callous” approach, after she refused to meet the family on multiple occasions.

Alistair and his sons
Image:
Alistair and his sons

‘Committed to answers’

“If her force has let us down for 20 years and she can’t get a hold of it, how are they going to get us somewhere?” Andrew asks. Police Scotland did not address questions from Sky News about the future of the chief constable.

Sky News confronted Jo Farrell as she arrived at a meeting in Glasgow on 1 December.

“I won’t be resigning, she said, when asked if she would quit over “failing to get a grip” on this.

“I am committed to us getting answers and finding the people responsible for the murder.”

She walked away when questioned further about her competence, or lack thereof, as the Wilson family see it.

Police Scotland Chief Constable Jo Farrell
Image:
Police Scotland Chief Constable Jo Farrell

New senior detective in place

The new senior detective reinvestigating the murder from scratch has said she is determined to find the answers to crack the case.

Detective Chief Superintendent Suzanne Chow, who has met the family face to face, admitted she is currently “not in a position” to arrest anyone and conceded the various inquiries over the years have been “protracted”.

DCS Chow defended her boss’ decision to cancel the arrest.

“The chief’s not being callous,” she said.

Andrew and his brother at their father's grave
Image:
Andrew and his brother at their father’s grave

‘We are a tick box’

While this row between the family and police continues there are questions about whether Andrew and his family will ever find closure.

“All we can do is wait,” Andrew says. “We are a tick box to police. Ever since the arrest was pulled it is clear we are just a number to them.”

Photos from the Wilson family

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Starmer insists Labour ‘kept to our manifesto’ despite record-breaking tax rises

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Starmer insists Labour 'kept to our manifesto' despite record-breaking tax rises

Sir Keir Starmer has insisted Labour “kept to our manifesto” promises despite raising taxes in the budget – as he asked “everybody to contribute”.

The morning after the chancellor announced her record-breaking tax-raising budget, the prime minister told Sky News political editor Beth Rigby the government had “done the least possible we can” to impact people and had “done it in a fair way”.

He said it was “not true” his government has misled the public after promising not to raise taxes again after last year’s budget.

And he refused multiple times to say he had broken his manifesto promise not to raise income tax, national insurance or VAT “on working people”.

“We kept to our manifesto in terms of what we’ve promised,” he said.

“But I accept the challenge that we’ve asked everybody to contribute. I want to be really clear on why we’ve done that,” Sir Keir continued.

“That is because we need to protect our NHS, to make sure that it’s there for people when they need it and their families when they need it.

More on Budget 2025

“Secondly, to make sure we’ve got the money to put into our schools. So every single child can go as far as their talent will take them,” the prime minister added.

“And the third thing is to bear down on the cost of living.”

Politics latest: Reeves says people will pay more

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‘Working people will pay a bit more’

The chancellor announced her budget on Wednesday, just under an hour after the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) accidentally uploaded its entire report early, revealing just what would be in the announcement.

She confirmed 43 tax increases to raise an extra £26bn, bringing taxes to an all-time high.

One of the largest tax hikes was the extension to the freeze in income tax thresholds by three years until 2031 to raise £8.3bn more by the end of the decade.

Tax calculator: Find how much more you will pay due to thresholds freeze

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Budget dust has settled: What now?

But Ms Reeves also insisted this was not a betrayal of Labour’s manifesto promise.

She admitted to Sky News political editor Beth Rigby she is “asking ordinary people to pay a little bit more” but said the manifesto promise was “very specific”.

Read more:
The main budget announcements
Sticking to Labour manifesto pledge costs millions of workers

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Reeves’s budget: Who is it really for?

The chancellor also announced:

• Pensions contributions via salary sacrifice will be capped in 2029 at £2,000 a year before national insurance applies, raising £4.7bn
• The cash ISA allowance will be cut from £20,000 to £12,000 in 2017 for under 65s
• A mansion tax of £2,500 on properties worth more than £2m up to £7,500 for over £5m homes
• Basic and new state pension rates increased by 4.8%
• Pay-per-mile tax for electric vehicles from April 2028
• Tax rates on property savings and dividend income increased by two percentage points
• Two-child benefit cap lifted from April 2026
• Fuel duty frozen until next September
• £150 cuts to average household energy bill from April
• Inheritance tax change to allow transfer of 100% relief allowance to a spouse when one dies.

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Budget 2025: The same old Labour? Why party’s credibility might not be recoverable

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Budget 2025: The same old Labour? Why party's credibility might not be recoverable

Over and over again, in the run-up to the election and beyond, the prime minister and the chancellor told voters they would not put up taxes on working people – that their manifesto plans for government were fully costed and, with the tax burden at a 70-year high, they were not in the business of raising more taxes.

On Wednesday the chancellor broke those pledges as she lifted taxes by another £26bn, adding to the £40bn rise in her first budget.

She told working people a year ago she would not extend freezing tax thresholds – a Conservative policy – because it would “hurt working people”.

Budget latest: ‘It can only lead to the death of us at the general election’

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Beth Rigby asks Reeves: How can you stay in your job?

On Wednesday she ripped up that pledge, as she extended the threshold freeze for three years, dragging 800,000 workers into tax and another million into the higher tax band to raise £8.3bn.

Rachel Reeves said it was a Labour budget and she’s right.

In the first 17 months of this government, Labour have raised tens of billions in taxes, while reversing on welfare reform – the U-turn on the winter fuel allowance and disability benefits has cost £6.6bn.

Ms Reeves even lifted the two-child benefit cap on Wednesday, at a cost of £3bn, despite the prime minister making a point of not putting that pledge in the manifesto as part of the “hard choices” this government would make to try to bear down on the tax burden for ordinary people. The OBR predicts one in four people would be caught by the 40% higher rate of tax by the end of this parliament.

Those higher taxes were necessary for two reasons and aimed at two audiences – the markets and the Labour Party.

For the former, the tax rises help the chancellor meet her fiscal rules, which requires the day-to-day spending budget to be in a surplus by 2029-30.

Before this budget, her headroom was just £9.9bn, which made her vulnerable to external shocks, rises in the cost of borrowing or lower tax takes. Now she has built her buffer to £22bn, which has pleased the markets and should mean investors begin to charge Britain less to borrow.

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Reeves announces tax rises

As for the latter, this was also the chancellor raising taxes to pay for spending and it pleased her backbenchers – when I saw some on the PM’s team going into Downing Street in the early evening, they looked pretty pleased.

I can see why: amid all the talk of leadership challenge, this was a budget that helped buy some time.

“This is a budget for self-preservation, not for the country,” remarked one cabinet minister to me this week.

You can see why: ducking welfare reform, lifting the two-child benefit cap – these are decisions a year-and-a-half into government that Downing Street has been forced into by a mutinous bunch of MPs.

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With a majority of 400 MPs, you might expect the PM and his chancellor to take the tough decisions and be on the front foot. Instead they find themselves just trying to survive, preserve their administration and try to lead from a defensive crouch.

When I asked the chancellor about breaking manifesto promises to raise taxes on working people, she argued the pledge explicitly involved rates of income tax (despite her pledge not to extend the threshold freeze in the last budget because it “hurt working people”).

Read more:
Budget 2025: The key points at a glance
Why Labour MPs may like Reeves’s budget

Trying to argue it is not a technical breach – the Institute of Fiscal Studies disagreed – rather than taking it on and explaining those decisions to the country says a lot about the mindset of this administration.

One of the main questions that struck me reflecting on this budget is accountability to the voters.

Labour in opposition, and then in government, didn’t tell anyone they might do this, and actually went further than that – explicitly saying they wouldn’t. They were asked, again and again during the election, for tax honesty. The prime minister told me that he’d fund public spending through growth and had “no plans” to raise taxes on working people.

Those people have been let down. Labour voters are predominantly middle earners and higher earning, educated middle classes – and it is these people who are the ones who will be hit by these tax rises that have been driven to pay for welfare spending rather than that much mooted black hole (tax receipts were much better than expected).

This budget is also back-loaded – a spend-now-pay-later budget, as the IFS put it, with tax rises coming a year before the election. Perhaps Rachel Reeves is hoping again something might turn up – her downgraded growth forecasts suggests it won’t.

This budget does probably buy the prime minister and his chancellor more time. But as for credibility, that might not be recoverable. This administration was meant to change the country. Many will be looking at the tax rises and thinking it’s the same old Labour.

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Military chiefs in ‘difficult meeting’ as tensions mount over money

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Military chiefs in 'difficult meeting' as tensions mount over money

Britain’s top military chiefs held a “very difficult” meeting this week over how to fund plans to rebuild the armed forces amid fears of further cuts, defence sources have said.

The Ministry of Defence (MoD) played down a report in the Spectator magazine that the top brass, led by Air Chief Marshal Sir Rich Knighton, the chief of the defence staff, planned to write an extraordinary joint letter to John Healey, the defence secretary, to explain that his defence review published in June cannot be delivered without more cash.

“There is not a letter,” an MoD source said, adding that such a communication was not expected to be received either.

However, other sources from within the army, navy and air force confirmed to Sky News there is growing concern among the chiefs about a gap between the promises being made by Sir Keir Starmer’s government to fix the UK’s hollowed-out armed forces and the reality of the size of the defence budget, which is currently not seen as growing fast enough.

That means either billions of additional pounds must be found more quickly, or ambitions to modernise the armed forces might need to be curbed despite warnings of mounting threats from Russia and China and pressure from Donald Trump on the UK and the rest of Europe to spend more on their own defences.

“The facts remain that the SDR (Strategic Defence Review) shot for the stars, but we only have fuel for the moon,” one source said.

A second source agreed.

Pic: Ministry of Defence
Image:
Pic: Ministry of Defence

By way of example, they said General Sir Roly Walker, the head of the army, was all too aware of the financial challenges his service in particular was facing, especially given plans to regrow the force to 76,000 soldiers from 72,500 in the next parliament.

The defence review set out the requirement for more troops, but such a move would need sufficient money to recruit, train and equip them.

There is also a goal to expand reserve forces, which similarly costs money.

Air Chief Marshal Knighton and General Walker were joined in the meeting on Tuesday at the Ministry of Defence by the other service heads, General Sir Gwyn Jenkins, the First Sea Lord, and Air Chief Marshal Harv Smyth, the Chief of the Air Staff.

Read more:
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Pic: Ministry of Defence
Image:
Pic: Ministry of Defence

General Sir Jim Hockenhull, the commander of Cyber and Special Operations Command, was also likely to have been present.

It is a regular fortnightly gathering of chiefs.

This week they discussed the content of an upcoming plan on defence investment that is expected to be published next month – a timeline that is understood to have been delayed because of friction over how to make the money match the ambition.

“I know there was a very difficult meeting,” a third source said.

“Shoehorning the SDR into the DIP (Defence Investment Plan) as inflation, foreign exchange movement, re-costing, in-year delivery drama and unforeseen additional costs arise was always going to be hard,” the source said.

“The amount of money needed to make the thing balance is both small compared to other parts of the public sector, but also not available from this government. It’s still a matter of choices, not overall affordability.”

The source pointed to what Germany and Poland are doing on defence, with both countries significantly and rapidly ramping up defence spending and expanding their militaries.

By contrast, the UK will only inch up its core defence budget to 2.5% of GDP from around 2.3% by 2027, with plans to hit a new NATO target of 3.5% not expected to be reached until 2035.

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Responding to the Spectator claim, an MOD spokesperson said: “All of defence is firmly behind delivery of our transformative Strategic Defence Review (SDR), which set out a deliverable and affordable plan to meet the challenges, threats, and opportunities of the 21st century.

“The plan is backed by the largest sustained increase in defence spending since the end of the Cold War – hitting 2.6% of GDP by 2027.”

The 2.6% figure cited by the spokesperson also includes intelligence spending on top of core defence spending.

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