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The treatment of Jess Phillips over recent days tells me all I need to know about the epidemic of misogyny, abuse and violence against women and girls that still plagues our culture.

The domestic violence campaigner-turned politician, who has spent her career fighting for victims, has found herself the subject of abuse on an industrial scale over the past week that has put her in danger.

In dark moments, it has left her wondering whether she should give up frontline politics for good and go back to the women’s hostels where her work with vulnerable women and girls began.

Outspoken and a women’s campaigner, Phillips has long been a lightning rod.

But when the world’s richest man, who owns a social media platform with 211m followers, starts trolling you as a “rape genocide apologist” – complicit in a what he claims is a cover-up of the most disgusting and sickening abuse – that’s a different order of attention, and danger.

This week, the female politician charged with trying to protect the actual victims of these unspeakable crimes became subject to an avalanche of abuse – and threats – herself.

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Abuse of me nothing compared to that of victims

It was undoubtedly horrific for Phillips, who tells me she felt physically sick and hunted as the tweets came raining down.

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And, as everyone piled in with their outrage and indignation, where were the voices of the actual victims themselves?

It has been so vicious, noisy and fraught as the very serious matter of grooming gangs and the exploitation, rape and torture of young victims turned into a political battleground of finger pointing and point scoring.

Imagine for a moment you’re a victim of grooming, rape, or torture and you’re seeing your own trauma being bandied around. Let down once before, how might this furore feel for those victims now?

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Jess Phillips: Musk’s comments are ‘ridiculous’

The Conservatives are now calling for a national inquiry into grooming gangs.

Labour shout hypocrisy, but find themselves on the receiving end of an online movement criticising safeguarding minister Jess Phillips and Keir Starmer’s record as the country’s former chief prosecutor.

It prompted The Times’ investigative reporter Andrew Norfolk – who revealed the wide scale abuse of young white girls predominately by Asian men of Pakistani descent back in 2012 – to this week to defend Starmer, who he said had been instrumental in making more prosecutions possible.

He added that there was a “huge increase in convictions” when Starmer was Director of Public Prosecutions back in the early 2010s.

This is a scandal that has run for decades and was properly exposed by Norfolk, who’s reporting led to a string of independent inquiries, resignations, police investigations and successful prosecutions.

But it was re-ignited last week by a decision by Philips, revealed by GB News, not to hold a government-led inquiry of grooming gangs in Oldham.

This is because previous investigations, in towns including Telford, Rochdale and Rotherham, were all independent investigations led by the local authority.

That’s not to say Phillips doesn’t want a inquiry in Oldham – she’s encouraged the council leader to set one up. However, the evidence is clear that victims are more likely to come forward when it’s a local inquiry rather than a national one.

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Grooming gangs: A sky News investigation

But somehow this lit the touch paper for Elon Musk – a tech billionaire strong on tweeting, but light on knowledge of the actual situation in the UK – who launched an avalanche of claims over grooming.

He galvanised opposition politicians to call for action and created a storm that has brought movement from the government too.

This week, Labour committed to implementing some of the recommendations of the Jay Review into child sexual exploitation.

The Jay Review was published in 2022 under the Conservative government, but its suggestions were not enacted by the relevant ministers.

Read more:
Victims of grooming gangs can have inquiry if they want one, Jess Phillips says
What happened in the grooming gangs scandal?
Grooming gangs scandal timeline

Phillips is also setting up a victims’ board that will sit in the Home Office and advise and give feedback on changes that need to be made to get the truth and justice for victims.

There remain questions about whether there should be more? Reform and the Conservatives want a national inquiry into the specific question of grooming gangs – what is their prevalence, their root causes and the institutional failings that let tens of thousands of victims down?

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Sir Keir Starmer hits back at those who criticised his handling of child grooming gangs.

Andrew Norfolk, while stopping short of calling for a national public inquiry, does believe the root causes of grooming gangs have not been properly examined.

He believes they will never be fully stamped out until there’s proper research into what allowed these gangs to flourish.

In her 2022 report into child sexual exploitation, referencing her 2014 inquiry into grooming gangs in Rotherham, Professor Alexis Jay noted “the majority of perpetrators were described as ‘Asian’ by their victims, yet throughout the entire period, councillors didn’t engage directly with the Pakistani-heritage community to discussion how they could jointly address the issue”.

Norfolk, in The Times this week, puts it like this: “It is very difficult to talk about this stuff without being accused of being Islamophobic. That is not going to change.

“Why one very small sub-section of one minority ethnic community was so overwhelmingly, disproportionately responsible for these crimes – that is work that would be vital in bringing about understanding that could enable changes to take place.”

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Chief executive of The Survivors’ Trust, Fay Maxted says she wants to see action now.

Jess Phillips argues that another inquiry is not what is needed, pointing to the Jay Review, and a string of other independent investigations.

She tells me she wants to get on with getting justice for victims and stamping out sexual abuse.

“There is nothing I will not consider going forward,” she told me, be it prevention programmes, working on community relations, tackling peer-on-peer abuse. And, if the victims want it, a national inquiry.

More on this story:
Jess Phillips hits back at Elon Musk
Why is Musk so interested in UK politics?

You have probably read the headlines over recent days, and you might have felt battered by the noise.

You might be confused about what is going on as politicians trade blows in the Commons and Musk rants online.

You have perhaps read some of the court transcripts of historic cases circulating online that document crimes against young girls so disgusting and barbaric that it makes you want to weep.

That’s why on this week’s Electoral Dysfunction we try to take a step back and spend quite a bit of time talking to Jess Phillips about not just the events of the past few days, but the long shadow of grooming gangs and child abuse.

We talk about Phillips’ own feelings when those Musk tweets landed and what being in the eye of the storm meant for her safety. We talk about the criticisms levelled at her and the prime minister.

I ask her about accusations of cover-ups in order not to stoke racial tensions in local communities, why she doesn’t support a national inquiry and her frustrations at those in positions of authority – be it councillors, social workers, police officers – who failed to protect girls and still haven’t faced a reckoning.

After all the heat and noise, I hope it can offer a bit of explanation and a little light too.

You can listen to Beth’s full interview with Jess Phillips in a special episode of Electoral Dysfunction released on Thursday.

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Local elections 2025: The poll where voters roll the dice?

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Local elections 2025: The poll where voters roll the dice?

This week’s set of elections across England will be a series of firsts: it will be the first big ballot box test of Sir Keir Starmer’s premiership and Kemi Badenoch’s leadership of the Conservative Party.

We will have the first by-election of this parliament in Labour-held Runcorn, the inaugural elections for the mayoralty of Hull and East Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, and our first chance to see if Reform’s surge in the polls since the general election can translate into seats.

In play are over 1,600 council seats, six mayoralties and the Labour-held seat of Runcorn and Helsby after a by-election was triggered by the Labour MP Mike Amesbury punching a constituent on a night out.

Former Runcorn and Helsby MP Mike Amesbury (centre) leaving Chester Crown Court after he had his 10-week prison sentence for assault suspended for two years following an appeal. Picture date: Thursday February 27, 2025.
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Former Runcorn and Helsby Labour MP Mike Amesbury leaves court. Pic: PA

And there is plenty at stake for the party leaders with all the upside in the hands of Nigel Farage, who has barely any council seats to defend and hundreds in his sights, as he looks to translate his poll leads into proper governing – be it through mayoral wins or council control.

Sir Keir is bracing for an early verdict on his leadership, with the Runcorn by-election a test of nerves for a Labour Party that will be loathed to lose a seat in the northwest of England to a surging Reform Party.

Keir Starmer at PMQs
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Sir Keir Starmer in the House of Commons

For the Conservatives, the pressure is obvious and acute.

Of the 23 councils up for grabs, 16 are currently controlled by the Conservative Party and when they last fought these seats in 2021, the Conservatives were riding high on the back of a then popular Boris Johnson and COVID vaccine bounce.

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Back then, the party’s national equivalent vote share – an estimate of how the country would have voted if everywhere had had a local election – was at 40%, with Labour at 30%, the Lib Dems at 15%, and other parties at 15%.

Their support has collapsed since then, with current polling putting the Conservatives on 22% – an 18-point drop in vote share – while Reform, lumped in with ‘other parties’ in 2021, is now polling an average 25%.

So, expect to see the Conservatives lose control of councils and hundreds of seats as it haemorrhages support to Reform in a night that is set to be miserable for Kemi Badenoch and her party.

Conservative party leader Kemi Badenoch  during a visit to Romshed Farm, Sevenoaks, Kent, whilst on the local election campaign trail. Picture date: Tuesday April 22, 2025. PA Photo. See PA story POLITICS Tories. Photo credit should read: Gareth Fuller/PA Wire
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Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch. Pic: PA

The Conservatives have majorities in 18 of the 23 councils up for grabs, and could even see the Lib Dems overtake them to become the second-biggest party in local government when it comes to council control. That would be a huge symbolic blow. The only glimmer of hope is whether the party can win the Cambridge and Peterborough mayoral race where a former Peterborough MP is looking to take the mayoralty from Labour.

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Labour and Reform face off in Runcorn

But like the Conservatives, there is little for Labour to cling on to in this set of elections as the party prepares for a lacklustre night at the ballot box, reflecting its steady drop in the polls following the autumn budget.

Support for Sir Keir’s government dipped below 30% last November and has continued on that trajectory, with Labour currently polling on average around 23%.

Labour has been haemorrhaging council seats in council by-elections since the national poll last July, and insiders are briefing that the party looks set to lose control of Doncaster Council, the only one it has control of in this set of elections, and perhaps the mayoralty of the city. Since last July, there have been by-elections in 95 vacant Labour council seats and Labour has lost 43 of them.

But the biggest race on the night for Labour will be the Runcorn by-election, where Reform is challenging to take a parliamentary seat that has long been part of Labour’s territory.

Nigel Farage said a coalition would not be happening
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Reform UK leader Nigel Farage

While Reform set out with the aim to destroy the Conservative Party, Labour insiders know how bad the Reform surge is for their own prospects, with the party coming in second to Labour in 89 constituencies in the 2024 General Election. The party is all too aware of the threat of Nigel Farage, as Reform taps into voters’ disillusionment.

“People voted for change in 2024,” explains one Labour insider. “We came in with the double whammy of public services on their knees and the economy facing big challenges, and we promised change. People will be judging us. There is change – waiting lists for the NHS are falling six months in a row – but do people notice it yet? Arguably not.”

Labour is preparing to intensify attacks against Reform. The party is already using remarks made by Mr Farage around re-examining the NHS’s funding model to launch a series of attack ads around the local elections and is likely to step this up ahead of polling day.

But the party is right to be worried by the Reform threat and to give you a bit of flavour of that, we ran a focus group of voters in Doncaster on the latest edition of the Electoral Dysfunction podcast to get a sense of the mood in a city about to re-elect its council and mayor.

‘The country is stuck in a doom loop’

Luke Tryl, director of More in Common, who carried out that focus group in Doncaster for us, told us that the group’s disillusionment with politics and the main political parties was a common refrain all around the country.

“You know, people basically keep hitting the change button, right? You know, they did it in Brexit. They did in 2017 when [Jeremy] Corbyn does very well, Boris Johnson in 2019 was a sort of change and in 2024, change was literally the slogan of Keir Starmer’s 2024 campaign.

“And they keep hitting that change and thinking they’re not getting the change. And so actually it pervades right across the political spectrum. It’s not limited to just the Tories, Labour, Reform. It’s just this sense that something isn’t happening and the system isn’t responding to what we want,” Mr Tryl says.

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Local elections tips and predictions

The undertone of the focus group reflected this sentiment, as respondents honed in on very common top-three concerns across the country – cost of living, the NHS, immigration – but also the sense of mistrust in politicians of all hues.

“It’s not just that people think that the UK is in a bad state, you know, cost of living is bad, the NHS is bad, struggles with immigration, crime,” Mr Tryl said.

“It’s that they don’t have faith in our political class to find solutions. I said recently, I think the UK public moves in a bit of a doom loop at the moment and we can’t seem to find a way out of it and how that changes.”

This is helping Mr Farage’s Reform as voters, turned off by the Tories and disappointed in Labour, look to hit the change button again. “Britain is broken and needs Reform” is Mr Farage’s pitch.

That’s not to say that he was universally liked in our Doncaster focus group.

“It wasn’t actually massively effusive about Farage personally, and we’re starting to pick that up in a few more focus groups,” noted Mr Tryl.

“It’s rather more like, ‘I like what Reform is saying’ – people tend to particularly like what they say on immigration – but I’ve got a few questions about Farage and a word I’ve heard in other groups is baggage. He’s got a lot of baggage.”

He added: “What you’re hearing there is people are slightly willing to put that… we tried the Tories for 14 years. We’re not that happy with what we’ve had from Labour so far. So we may as well roll the dice on this guy. And I think that’s what you’re going to see next week is that rolling the dice.”

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Who has more to lose?

The Conservatives fared particularly badly with the Doncaster focus group, with just two out of the nine respondents even being able to name their leader Kemi Badenoch.

“If you’ve got no public image whatsoever, and also no trust, then you’re not going to pull any votes,” was the brutal verdict of one respondent as Mr Johnson was brought up as a politician they thought of as more likeable, relatable and capable of taking on Reform.

As for Labour, only one of the respondents seemed prepared to give the government more time to turn around the country and deliver on election promises, with others voicing criticism over the government’s handling of the winter fuel allowance cuts, high immigration levels and the lack of progress more broadly. Voters were also hostile to Sir Keir, who they believed to be out of touch, privileged and posh.

The best Sir Keir can hope for next week is, in the words of Mr Tryl is to “tread water” as we watch to see whether Reform can translate polling gains into real governing.

A YouGov poll on Friday suggested Reform is in pole position to win the Lincolnshire mayoralty, while the party is ahead in the Hull and East Yorkshire battle, according to the polling. Labour is also nervous about Reform in the Doncaster mayoral race.

👉 Click here to listen to Electoral Dysfunction on your podcast app 👈

Expectations for Reform are high, with some pollsters predicting the party could make hundreds of gains in traditionally Conservative counties and have a chance of perhaps even gaining control of Labour-held Doncaster council or Durham, where Labour is the largest party. Reform now has over 100 councillors, most of whom have defected from other parties, and is not defending any seats from 2021, so the only way for Mr Farage is up.

Mr Tryl expects the Tories to lose 500 to 600 seats and Reform to pick up the same sort of numbers if it manages to organise its support and turn out the vote.

Read more:
Labour and Reform in battle for Runcorn by-election seat
Kemi Badenoch does not rule out local coalitions with Reform

So this will be a moment to test whether the Reform momentum in the polls translates into real progress on the ground and sees it become a major electoral force capable of challenging the two main parties across the country. In the general election, the party clocked up votes, but didn’t manage to concentrate that support into concrete wins. Can Reform change that in 2025?

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This set of local elections is far smaller than normal when it comes to the number of councils being contested than normal (Labour’s restructuring of local government has left a number of elections postponed), while the 11 million eligible to vote in England are just a quarter of those who could cast a vote across the UK in last year’s general election.

But these polls are seriously consequential. This will be a moment when we are able to better observe if the two-party system, battered in the 2024 General Election, really is dying.

Last July, third parties secured more votes than ever and a record tally of seats as support for the two establishment parties hit a record low. These elections could be the moment that Reform tastes real power and the Liberal Democrats surge.

Voters keep saying they want real change. On 1 May, we’ll get a better sense of how serious they are in a set of elections that could point to a profoundly different future for British politics.

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The cost of innovation — Regulations are Web3’s greatest asset

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The cost of innovation — Regulations are Web3’s greatest asset

The cost of innovation — Regulations are Web3’s greatest asset

Opinion by: Hedi Navazan, chief compliance officer at 1inch

Web3 needs a clear regulatory system that addresses innovation bottlenecks and user safety in decentralized finance (DeFi). A one-size-fits-all approach cannot be achieved to regulate DeFi. The industry needs custom, risk-based approaches that balance innovation, security and compliance.

DeFi’s challenges and rules

A common critique is that regulatory scrutiny leads to the death of innovation, tracing this situation back to the Biden administration. In 2022, uncertainty for crypto businesses increased following lawsuits against Coinbase, Binance and OpenSea for alleged violations of securities laws.

Under the US administration, the Securities and Exchange Commission agreed to dismiss the lawsuit against Coinbase, as the agency reversed the crypto stance, hinting at a path toward regulation with clear boundaries.

Many would argue that the same risk is the same rule. Imposing traditional finance requirements on DeFi simply will not work from many aspects but the most technical challenges.

Openness, transparency, immutability, and automation are key parameters of DeFi. Without clear regulations, however, the prevalent issue of “Ponzi-like schemes” can divert focus from effective innovation use cases to conjuring a “deceptive perception” of blockchain technology. 

Guidance and clarity from regulatory bodies can reduce significant risks for retail users.

Policymakers should take time to understand DeFi’s architecture before introducing restrictive measures. DeFi needs risk-based regulatory models that understand its architecture and address illicit activity and consumer protection. 

Self-regulatory frameworks cultivate transparency and security in DeFi

The entire industry highly recommends implementing a self-regulatory framework that ensures continuous innovation while simultaneously ensuring consumer safety and financial transparency. 

Take the example of DeFi platforms that have taken a self-regulatory approach by implementing robust security measures, including transaction monitoring, wallet screening and implementing a blacklist mechanism that restricts a wallet of suspicion with illicit activity. 

Sound security measures would help DeFi projects monitor onchain activity and prevent system misuse. Self-regulation can help DeFi projects operate with greater legitimacy, yet it may not be the only solution.

Clear structure and governance are key

It’s no secret that institutional players are waiting for the regulatory green light. Adding to the list of regulatory frameworks, Markets in Crypto-Assets (MiCA) sets stepping stones for future DeFi regulations that can lead to institutional adoption of DeFi. It provides businesses with regulatory clarity and a framework to operate.

Many crypto projects will struggle and die as a result of higher compliance costs associated with MiCA, which will enforce a more reliable ecosystem by requiring augmented transparency from issuers and quickly attract institutional capital for innovation. Clear regulations will lead to more investments in projects that support investor trust.

Anonymity in crypto is quickly disappearing. Blockchain analytics tools, regulators and companies can monitor suspicious activity while preserving user privacy to some extent. Future adaptations of MiCA regulations can enable compliance-focused DeFi solutions, such as compliant liquidity pools and blockchain-based identity verification.

Regulatory clarity can break barriers to DeFi integration

The banks’ iron gate has been another significant barrier. Compliance officers frequently witness banks erect walls to keep crypto out. Bank supervisors distance companies that are out of compliance, even if it’s indirect scrutiny or fines, slamming doors on crypto projects’ financial operations.

Clear regulations will address this issue and make compliance a facilitator, not a barrier, for DeFi and banking integration. In the future, traditional banks will integrate DeFi. Institutions will not replace banks but will merge DeFi’s efficiencies with TradFi’s structure.

Recent: Hester Peirce calls for SEC rulemaking to ‘bake in’ crypto regulation

The repeal of Staff Accounting Bulletin (SAB) 121 in January 2025 mitigated accounting burdens for banks to recognize crypto assets held for customers as both assets and liabilities on their balance sheets. The previous laws created hurdles of increased capital reserve requirements and other regulatory challenges.

SAB 122 aims to provide structured solutions from reactive compliance to proactive financial integration — a step toward creating DeFi and banking synergy. Crypto companies must still follow accounting principles and disclosure requirements to protect crypto assets.

Clear regulations can increase the frequency of banking use cases, such as custody, reserve backing, asset tokenization, stablecoin issuance and offering accounts to digital asset businesses.

Building bridges between regulators and innovators in DeFi

Experts pointing out concerns about DeFi’s over-regulation killing innovation can now address them using “regulatory sandboxes.” These dispense startups with a “secure zone” to test their products before committing to full-scale regulatory mandates. For example, startups in the United Kingdom under the Financial Conduct Authority are thriving using this “trial and error” method that has accelerated innovation.

These have enabled businesses to test innovation and business models in a real-world setting under regulator supervision. Sandboxes could be accessible to licensed entities, unregulated startups or companies outside the financial services sector.

Similarly, the European Union’s DLT Pilot Regime advances innovation and competition, encouraging market entry for startups by reducing upfront compliance costs through “gates” that align legal frameworks at each level while upgrading technological innovation.

Clear regulations can cultivate and support innovation through open dialogue between regulators and innovators.

Opinion by: Hedi Navazan, chief compliance officer at 1inch.

This article is for general information purposes and is not intended to be and should not be taken as legal or investment advice. The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed here are the author’s alone and do not necessarily reflect or represent the views and opinions of Cointelegraph.

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Kemi Badenoch does not rule out local coalitions with Reform after Thursday’s council elections

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Kemi Badenoch does not rule out local coalitions with Reform after next week's council elections

Kemi Badenoch has not ruled out forming coalitions at a local level with Reform after the council elections on Thursday.

Speaking to Sunday Morning with Trevor Phillips, the Conservative leader did however categorically rule out a pact with Nigel Farage’s party on a national level.

“I am not going into any coalition with Nigel Farage… read my lips,” she said.

Politics latest: UK has ‘recognised all along’ Russia is aggressor – minister

However, she did not deny that deals could be struck with Reform at a local level, arguing some councils might be under no overall control and in that case, “you have to do what is right for your local area”.

“You look at the moment, we are in coalition with Liberal Democrats, with independents,” she said. “We’ve been in coalition with Labour before at local government level.

“They [councillors] have to look at who the people are that they’re going into coalition with and see how they can deliver for local people.”

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She added: “What I don’t want to hear is talks of stitch-ups or people planning things before the results are out. They have to do what is right for their communities.”

In response, Nigel Farage said: “The Tories broke Britain nationally for 14 years, and their councils continue to break local communities with the highest taxes ever and worst services.

“Reform have no intention in forming coalitions with the Tories at any level.”

A total of 23 councils are up for grabs when voters go to the polls on Thursday 1 May – mostly in places that were once deemed Tory shires, until last year’s general election.

It includes 14 county councils, all but two of which have been Conservative-controlled, as well as eight unitary authorities, all but one of which are Tory.

In addition, there is one Labour-controlled borough being contested.

Ms Badenoch has set expectations low for the Tories, suggesting they could lose all the councils they are contesting.

The last time this set of councils were up for election was in 2021, when the Conservative Party was led by Boris Johnson who was riding high from the COVID vaccine bounce.

Despite not ruling out agreements between the Tories and Reform once the local elections have finished, Ms Badenoch has been at pains to stress she is against any kind of deal with Mr Farage at a national level.

On Friday she criticised talk of “stitch-ups” ahead of next week’s local elections and said she was instead focused on ensuring that voters have a “credible Conservative offer”.

Speculation that the Tories and Reform could join forces heightened after two senior Tories appeared to advocate for some sort of agreement between the two rival parties.

Robert Jenrick, the shadow justice secretary, was captured in a video recording leaked to Sky News vowing to “bring this coalition together” to ensure that Conservatives and Reform UK are no longer competing for votes by the time of the next general election.

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What leaked audio of Jenrick tells us

According to the excusive audio Mr Jenrick – who lost the Tory leadership campaign to Ms Badenoch – said he would try “one way or another” to make sure the two right-wing parties do not end up handing a second term to Sir Keir Starmer.

Mr Jenrick has denied his words amounted to calling for a pact with Reform.

Meanwhile, in an interview with Politico, Tees Valley Mayor Ben Houchen also suggested the two parties should join forces in some way.

“I don’t know what it looks like. I don’t know whether it’s a pact. I don’t know whether it’s a merger… [or] a pact of trust and confidence or whatever,” he said.

“But if we want to make sure that there is a sensible centre-right party leading this country, then there is going to have to be a coming together of Reform and the Conservative Party in some way.”

Read more:
Could the local elections reshape British politics?
‘Bring on the fight’ over net zero, says Ed Miliband

All of the other national parties have launched their campaigns for the local elections ahead of the poll next week.

Labour Cabinet Office minister Pat McFadden told Trevor Phillips that he was “not predicting huge Labour gains on Thursday”.

He also ruled out Labour striking deals with any other party.

“The deals on offer after Thursday won’t be between Labour and the Tories and Labour and Reform,” he said.

“But what there’s been a lot of debate about is what’s going to happen between the Tories and Reform, because I’m not even sure if they’re two different parties or one party at the moment.”

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