In less than a fortnight, Donald Trump has shredded long-standing security assumptions about American support for Europe, creating a new crisis for Ukraine and leaving the whole continent in greater peril than at any time since the Second World War.
The new US president says he is determined to negotiate a peace deal with the Kremlin, but Ukraineand its European allies are fearful that a failure to prioritise Ukrainian demands will only embolden Moscow and set the stage for Russia to launch a wider European war within a few years.
Adding to this sense of gloom, the signals from the White House are relentlessly bleak.
Image: A woman walks past debris in the aftermath of Russian shelling, in Mariupol, Ukraine. Pic: AP
Mr Trump has already unilaterally spoken to Vladimir Putin by phone, called Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy a “dictator”, and is trying to force Kyiv to sign away hundreds of billions of dollars worth of its natural resources as a kind of payback for past US military support – which had been freely given by Joe Biden to fight Russia’s war.
The unpicking of the security blanket between Europe and the United States – woven from the ashes of two world wars – began with an email to the media on 12 February.
It contained the embargoed comments that Pete Hegseth, the new American defence secretary, was set to make that day at the opening of a meeting between some 50 nations to discuss assistance to Ukraine to fight Russia’s war.
More on Russia
Related Topics:
I was among the journalists covering the event at NATO headquarters in Brussels and – presumably like most other defence journalists – had to read and then re-read the text as I could not believe what it said.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
1:18
Ukraine getting all land back ‘not realistic’
There were extraordinary reversals in US policy towards Ukraine, including a claim that it is “unrealistic” to believe Kyiv can recapture all its territory from Russia, a ruling out of NATO membership as part of any ceasefire deal with Moscow and saying that US forces would not be deployed on the ground to deter future Russian attacks following a peace deal.
But it was this line from Mr Hegseth that raised the highest eyebrows: “I’m also here today to directly and unambiguously express that stark strategic realities prevent the United States from being the primary guarantor of security in Europe.”
In one sentence, the defence secretary appeared to be confirming the worst fears of his European allies and Canada – that the US, under Mr Trump, no longer views the NATO transatlantic alliance as the bedrock of American and European security.
When he actually addressed the Ukraine Defence Contact Group meeting – a format originally set up and chaired by his predecessor Lloyd Austin, but now led for the first time by the UK Defence Secretary John Healey – Mr Hegseth’s European remarks were slightly softer, saying the US could no longer be “primarily focused on the security of Europe”.
Yet the stark message that European allies and Canada must shoulder a far greater burden of responsibility for their own security and to support Ukraine rather than rely on America – Europe cannot turn “Uncle Sam into Uncle Sucker” was a phrase Mr Hegseth used when speaking subsequently with the media – was heard loud and clear.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
3:12
Uncle Sam ‘won’t be Uncle Sucker’
With allies already in a tailspin, the crisis deepened a few hours later as news emerged that Mr Trump had picked up the phone with Russia’s president – the first such call between the leaders of the two countries since before the start of the full-scale war.
The US president described the 90-minute interaction as a “lengthy and highly productive” conversation. Only afterwards, did Mr Trump reach out to Mr Zelenskyy.
The thawing in relations between Washington and Moscow and the new chill in ties between the US and Europe meant tensions were at a record high when top ministers from around the world met for an annual security conference in Munich from 14 to 16 February.
From a European perspective, US vice president JD Vance stole the show for all the wrong reasons, using his outing on the world stage to berate the state of Europe’s democracy, slamming restrictions on free speech and what he described as censorship.
The next-level shock felt by European capitals was palpable. Mr Zelenskyy was the other star turn at the conference.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
2:45
Zelenskyy calls for ‘army of Europe’
He used his appearance to underline Kyiv’s position on White House plans for a peace deal with Russia – that no agreement on Ukraine could be made without Ukraine.
He also issued a rallying cry for his European partners to strengthen their defences and build credible European armed forces to better withstand the whims of larger powers.
But the president simultaneously had to confront the reality of Mr Trump, whose administration was ramping up pressure on his government to sign an economic deal with the US that would give away up to half of Ukraine’s natural resources such as minerals and rare earth.
He kept a brave face in Munich after meeting with Mr Vance, Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, and Lieutenant General Keith Kellogg, the special envoy for Ukraine and Russia.
But Mr Zelenskyy’s smile started to fade as Mr Rubio and two other top Trump officials then popped up in Saudi Arabia for face-to-face talks with their Russian counterparts.
He was not invited despite planning to be in the region around the same time.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
2:57
US and Russia hold talks in Saudi Arabia
While billed as part of an effort to negotiate a ceasefire in Ukraine, the meeting in Riyadh was also focused on a rekindling of economic ties between Washington and Moscow – to the horror and disbelief of European and Ukrainian allies that have worked hard with Washington for the past three years to impose strict sanctions on Russia.
At the same time, Mr Trump started to become increasingly frustrated with Mr Zelenskyy for – in his mind – refusing to sign the minerals deal.
In a devastating outburst, the American president falsely claimed his Ukrainian counterpart had a 4% public approval rating and suggested Kyiv was to blame for starting the war.
Mr Zelenskyy – who had stayed quiet in the face of previous White House provocations – clearly felt Mr Trump had gone too far.
On 20 February, he retorted that he believed the US leader was living in a “disinformation space”, where falsehoods spread by Moscow were percolating.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
0:34
Trump living in ‘disinformation space’
This triggered an even more jaw-dropping rebuke from Washington, with Mr Trump describing his Ukrainian counterpart as a “dictator without elections” and saying he had “better move fast” to secure a peace deal or risk not having a country to lead.
The rupture in diplomatic norms has left Ukraine and wider Europe reeling, while Russia must be laughing.
Now no longer able to rely on Washington, Kyiv needs its European allies to step up.
A trip to Washington DC this week by President Emmanuel Macron of France on Monday, and Britain’s Sir Keir Starmer on Thursday, will be important moments to try to convince Mr Trump that to stand with Ukraine is to be on the right side of history.
But there is little from the past fortnight to indicate that he will heed any advice from European powers that he does not regard as his equal, has repeatedly slammed for insufficient investment in their own militaries and that have – as far as he is concerned – “freeloaded” off American strength when it comes to support for Ukraine and for wider European defence.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
Rather than returning to being an ally, Mr Trump will likely instead stick to his mantra of “peace through strength” but only on his own terms.
This though raises the risk of more war when it comes to Russia as Mr Putin will surely want to test what else he can take from Europe if the US really is stepping back.
As people take a break for the Easter holiday, in the Gaza Strip there is no respite from the 18-month-long war with Israel.
Gaza has a tiny Christian community of Greek Orthodox Christians, Catholics, Evangelicals, and Anglicans.
For Ramez al-Souri, the pain is unimaginable. His three children were killed by an Israeli airstrike, on an annex of Gaza’s Saint Porphyrius Greek Orthodox Church.
Palestinian health officials say the attack on 19 October 2023 killed 18 people inside the building.
“My home has changed completely because there are no smiles, no laughter, no joy,” Mr Al-Souri says.
“I lost my flower – my daughter Julie – and my boys Suhail and Majd. They were salt of the Earth.”
Shrouded in darkness
Julia was 12 years old, Suhial 14 and Majd 11.
It is a loss that never leaves Mr Al-Souri, and one shared by almost every family in Gaza.
Walking through the cemetery, he gently places a small bouquet of flowers on his children’s grave. Gunfire crackles in the distance. The neighbourhood is full of rubble and destruction.
“This Easter is no different than the last,” Mr Al-Souri says.
“We are tending to our wounds.
“We continue to hope for an end to this war and suffering, for the darkness over Gaza to finally lift.”
Mr Netanyahu said Israel has “no choice” but to keep fighting “for our very own existence until victory.”
Israel is calling for Hamas to disarm and to release 10 Israeli hostages in exchange for a 45-day ceasefire.
There are 59 hostages still inside Gaza. It is believed 24 of them are still alive.
Hamas has rejected the proposal. It argues Israel reneged on the first ceasefire deal by refusing to move to phase two of the agreement and withdraw Israeli troops from the Gaza Strip.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
0:38
Netanyahu: ‘I will not give in’
A disaster on the ground
Since the ceasefire collapsed on 2 March, Israel’s bombing campaign has intensified.
Palestinian health officials say more than 1,700 people have been killed in the last month, and more than 90 people in the last 24 hours.
The humanitarian situation is a disaster. At the few remaining soup kitchens in Gaza, children scramble for food. They carry pots for their family and push forward trying to secure a bowl of lentils or rice.
Israel has blocked aid trucks from entering for the last seven weeks. It says it is to put pressure on Hamas.
But the pressure is being felt by civilians, creating what aid groups say is the most severe crisis Gaza has ever faced.
Israel has cut off vital supplies of food and medicine, but insists it is not using starvation as a weapon of war. It rejects any suggestion Gaza does not have enough food and accuses Hamas of stealing it.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
3:36
Gazans struggle to find bodies under rubble
‘We’re craving food’
Seven members of the Al-Asheh family are displaced and live in a tent in Deir al-Balah.
Twelve-year-old Ahmed says before the war he didn’t like lentils, now it is all he eats.
“Before the war, we used to have fruits, chicken, vegetables, everything was available. We were never hungry,” Ahmed explains.
“Now, we’re craving food, chicken – anything. The only thing we can eat now is what the soup kitchen provides.”
Image: Food is increasingly hard to come by in Gaza
It is clear that ceasefire talks are going nowhere, and Israel has tightened its blockade and deepened its war.
More than 400,000 Palestinians have recently been displaced yet again as Israel has expanded a buffer zone inside Gaza, levelling houses to create a “security zone”.
For Palestinians, this constitutes a “land grab”.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
0:33
Israeli forces encircle Rafah
‘A symbol of the world’s conscience’
Israel has also established another military corridor in southern Gaza, calling it Morag corridor.
The corridor is north of Rafah and has cut Gaza’s second-largest city off from the rest of the territory. Israel says it has now taken control of 30% of the Gaza Strip and insists it will not withdraw.
For Palestinians, the future has never looked more bleak. They are blockaded, displaced, struggling for food, water, basic sanitation and in constant search of safety.
“Gaza is calling on the world to stand by it,” Mr Al-Souri says.
“Gaza stands as a symbol of the world’s moral conscience.”
London-born teenager Carlo Acutis is about to become the first millennial saint, almost 20 years after his death.
The teenager, whose Italian family moved to Milan months after his birth in 1991, dedicated his short life to Catholicism, and died of leukaemia in 2006 aged 15.
Having passed all the posthumous trials necessary for sainthood, he will be canonised on 27 April in St Peter’s Square in Vatican City.
But what does it take to become a saint and how did Carlo achieve it?
Here’s everything you need to know.
What does it mean to be a saint?
All Christians are called to be saints, but only a select few throughout history have been officially recognised as one.
A saint is defined in Catholicism as people in heaven who lived heroically virtuous lives, offered their life for others, or were martyred for the faith, and who are worthy of imitation.
How do you become a saint – and how did Carlo do it?
There are four steps on the path to becoming a saint:
Stage 1 – Servant of God
A postulator – essentially a cheerleader advocating for the candidate – gathers testimony and documentation and presents the case to the Vatican’s Congregation for the Causes of Saints.
This process usually begins at least five years after the death of the person in question.
Carlo was dedicated to the church throughout his short life, receiving first communion at the age of seven and regularly attending daily Mass, praying the rosary and participating in eucharistic adoration.
But it was through mixing his faith with technology that Carlo had the most impact, informally becoming known as “God’s influencer” as he used his computer skills to spread the Catholic faith.
He started publishing newsletters for his local churches, taking care of his parish website and later of a Vatican-based academy.
He became particularly interested in something called Eucharistic miracles.
These are events deemed miracles which take place around the Eucharist, which is the traditional name the Christian church gives to the re-enactment of the Last Supper.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
0:41
Pope Francis thanks doctors
It’s the moment when the faithful are given a small piece of bread and a sip of wine, called the Holy Communion. They believe that, through the consumption of the bread and wine, Jesus Christ enters those who take part.
Carlo started logging miracles on a website, which eventually went viral and has since been translated into many of the world’s most widely spoken languages.
Stage 2 – Venerable
If worthy, the case is forwarded to the Pope, who signs a decree confirming the candidate’s “heroic virtues”. The person is now called “venerable”.
Carlo was named venerable in 2018 after the church recognised his virtuous life, and his body was taken to a shrine in Assisi’s Santuario della Spogliazione, a major site linked to St Francis’ life.
Stage 3 – Beatification
Image: Carlo Acutis lies in state ahead of being beatified in 2020.
File pic: AP/Gregorio Borgia
You become beatified – the declaration by the Pope that a dead person is in a state of bliss – when a miracle in your name is identified and formally declared a miracle by the Pope.
The Roman Catholic Church teaches that only God performs miracles, but that saints who are believed to be with God in heaven intercede on behalf of people who pray to them.
Typically, miracles are the medically inexplicable healing of a person.
The Pope tends to accept it as such when witnesses “verify” someone was healed after prayer and doctors/clergy conclude that it had no medical explanation, was instant and lasting.
If verified, the candidate is beatified and becomes “blessed”.
Carlo’s first supposed miracle was the healing of a boy called Mattheus Vianna, who was born in 2009 in Brazil with a serious birth defect that left him unable to keep food in his stomach.
As a young boy, he was forced to live on vitamins and protein shakes but regularly vomited after meals and was unable to put on weight.
Mattheus, according to his priest, touched one of Carlo’s relics in church and said “stop vomiting” – an act which is said to have cured him.
In February 2014, his family ordered further tests and he was found to be fully cured, the priest said.
In 2019, the claimed miracle was acknowledged by the Vatican and confirmed by Pope Francis a few months later, paving the way for Carlo to become beatified in 2020.
Stage 4 – Sainthood
A second miracle is required in order to reach sainthood.
If verified, the candidate can be canonised and made a saint. A formal canonisation ceremony at the Vatican follows.
Image: Figures of Carlo on sale at a souvenir store ahead of his canonisation. Pic: Christoph Sator/picture-alliance/dpa/AP Images
The second miracle in Carlo’s name was the reported healing of a Costa Rican girl studying in Italy who suffered a major head trauma.
Her mother said she prayed at Carlo’s tomb after the incident, invoking his spirit and leading to her daughter’s full recovery.
Pope Francis attributed the second miracle to Carlo after a meeting with the head of the Vatican’s saint-making department, Cardinal Marcello Semeraro, in May 2024.
Sainthood is rare – but not as much as it used to be
It isn’t known exactly how many sainthoods have been handed out in the Catholic church’s history, though estimates tend to sit at around 10,000.
For hundreds of years, they were selected through public acclaim, until Pope John XV led the first canonisation in the year 993, making Bishop Ulrich of Augsburg a saint.
Canonisation has been more common in recent years, though, with the late Pope John Paul II, who was the Pope from 1978 until his death in 2005, declaring 482 saints during his tenure – more than all of his predecessors.
Follow Sky News on WhatsApp
Keep up with all the latest news from the UK and around the world by following Sky News
That record was overtaken just two months into Pope Francis’ tenure, as he canonised more than 800 15th-century martyrs, the so-called “Martyrs of Otranto,” who were beheaded for refusing to convert to Islam.
He’ll take to St Peter’s Square on 27 April at 9.30am UK time – in conjunction with the celebration of the Holy Year’s jubilee for teens – and canonise the first ever millennial saint.
Well it is something, but it’s by no means everything – a ceasefire for 30 hours, not 30 days.
This feels like a diplomatic dance, rather than a military, or moral, manoeuvre.
An Easter truce – announced by Vladimir Putin on Saturday – is significant in the sense that, if it holds, it’ll be the first actual cessation of hostilities since the war began.
And it’s significant in the sense that it’s the first actual concession made by Moscow since Donald Trump initiated peace negotiations two months ago.
But – and there’s always a “but” when it comes to the Kremlin – how much of a concession is it really? And how much difference will it make militarily?
It’s nowhere near what the White House has been asking for, and it’s nowhere near what Ukraine has previously consented to.
The American president’s first proposal was a full 30-day ceasefire. Kyiv agreed but Moscow didn’t, not without conditions.
Then there was the attempted maritime truce. Again, Moscow’s agreement came with strings attached, in the form of sanctions relief, so it never got off the ground.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
44:16
Ukraine: Michael Clarke Q&A
So why suddenly suggest a truce now?
America had made no secret of its growing frustration at the lack of progress in peace negotiations.
I don’t think that in itself would be a problem for Russia, given its military dominance. But I think it could be a problem if Trump blames Putin for the lack of progress, and then pulls the plug on their thaw in relations as well.
Please use Chrome browser for a more accessible video player
So this feels like Putin is giving Trump just enough to keep him on side, without actually making any major concession.
And the way it’s being presented is interesting too – at Russia’s initiative, on humanitarian grounds, Ukraine must “follow our example”.
He’s trying to cast himself as the peacemaker in the eyes of the US president – as the one who gives solutions, not problems – which appears contrary to Trump’s opinion of Volodymyr Zelenskyy.