David Sacks, U.S. President Donald Trump’s “AI and Crypto Czar”, speaks to President Trump as he signs a series of executive orders in the Oval Office of the White House on Jan. 23, 2025 in Washington, DC.
Anna Moneymaker | Getty Images
The Trump-tech alliance is showing its first real sign of distress. And it’s because of crypto.
President Donald Trump counted on crypto execs and investors for a hefty portion of his 2024 campaign funds. He promised to reward them handsomely if elected by slashing regulations and by turning the U.S. into “the crypto capital of the planet and the bitcoin superpower of the world.”
The president got off to a quick start, signing an executive order calling for the establishment of a working group on digital assets and pardoning Silk Road creator Ross Ulbricht. The SEC also dropped its years-long probe into Coinbase.
While those moves were lauded by the most vocal techies who backed Trump’s candidacy, over the weekend the president took it a step too far in their view. In a post on Truth Social on Sunday, Trump announced the creation of a strategic crypto reserve for the U.S. that would include not just bitcoin but several other digital currencies — ether, XRP, Solana’sSOL token and Cardano’s ADA.
For the most part, Trump’s crypto backers all wanted a strategic bitcoin reserve. Such a move would entail using cash to buy bitcoin, which is widely viewed by crypto enthusiasts as a smart way to deploy capital into a decentralized currency that’s an alternative to hard money. As Coinbase CEO Brian Armstrong wrote on X, bitcoin offers a “clear story as successor to gold.”
By going well beyond bitcoin, the critics say, Trump would be using U.S. taxpayer money to buy much riskier assets that have unproven value and have the potential to bolster the net worth of a select few investors who own the coins. That’s all the more problematic to those who want to axe government spending by trillions of dollars, in support of Elon Musk’s cost-cutting mission at the so-called Department of Government Efficiency.
“Taxation is theft,” wrote Joe Lonsdale, founder of venture firm 8VC and a vocal Trump supporter, in a post on X. “It should be kept to a minimum. It’s wrong to steal my money for grift on the left; it’s also wrong to tax me for crypto bro schemes.”
David Sacks, the venture capitalist who was tapped by Trump to be the “White House AI and crypto czar,” took exception to Lonsdale’s comment, suggesting it’s premature to jump to any conclusions. Sacks and Lonsdale are part of the same conservative circle in the tech world, with Musk and Peter Thiel at the center.
“Nobody announced a tax or a spending program,” Sacks wrote, in response to Lonsdale’s post. “Maybe you should wait to find out what’s actually being proposed.”
The White House didn’t respond to a request for comment.
But Lonsdale was far from alone.
Naval Ravikant, a longtime tech investor and early crypto evangelist, wrote after the announcement that, “The US taxpayer should not be exit liquidity for cryptocurrencies that are decentralized in name only.” And Vinny Lingham, creator of blockchain startup Civic and a big crypto influencer, wrote, “Call me old fashioned but I don’t think the government should be pumping our crypto bags with taxpayer money while we are running a near $2trn deficit.”
Agreement across the industry
A major Trump supporter and big name in crypto joined the chorus on Monday. Billionaire bitcoin investor Tyler Winklevoss, who wrote just before the November election that you should vote for Trump “if you care about the future of crypto, free speech, justice, liberty, and democracy,” came out against the president’s crypto reserve plan.
“I have nothing against XRP, SOL, or ADA but I do not think they are suitable for a Strategic Reserve,” Winklevoss wrote. “Only one digital asset in the world right now meets the bar and that digital asset is bitcoin.”
David Marcus, the former head of Facebook’s failed crypto project, suggested that the majority of his peers in the crypto community have the same view.
“Most—if not all—of the non-conflicted industry leaders are agreeing about this,” Marcus wrote, in reposting Winklevoss’ comment.
Marcus, who’s now CEO of payments infrastructure startup Lightspark, declared in July that he was “crossing the Rubicon” and shifting his support to Trump and away from Democrats.
Anthony Pompliano, a loud pro-Trump voice in crypto investing, committed over 1,500 words in his newsletter on Monday to the topic. He says Trump is willing to propose an agenda of buying risky tokens on behalf of the U.S. because the wrong people got to him.
“We watched crypto projects, lobbyists, and special interest groups co-opt the President of the United States,” Pompliano wrote. “They told the President that any crypto-related reserve should hold tokens that were ‘made in America.’ This pitch was the perfect trap for a President who ran on the America First agenda.”
Some of the wrath online was directed specifically at Sacks, who touted and backed various cryptocurrencies as a VC prior to joining the Trump administration, and whose firm, Craft Ventures, is an investor in crypto index fund manager Bitwise.
A cartoon image of US President-elect Donald Trump with cryptocurrency tokens, depicted in front of the White House to mark his inauguration, displayed at a Coinhero store in Hong Kong, China, on Monday, Jan. 20, 2025.
Paul Yeung | Bloomberg | Getty Images
Sacks wrote in a post on X that he sold all of his crypto, including bitcoin, ether and SOL, before taking on his new role and “will provide an update at the end of the ethics process.”
By late afternoon Monday, crypto prices had staged a dramatic reversal from their weekend rally that followed Trump’s announcement. Bitcoin fell about 9%, while ether slid 15%. XRP and SOL dropped even more.
The slide appeared tied to President Trump’s confirmation of forthcoming tariffs, which hammered risky assets across the board and sent the Nasdaq down almost 3% at the close of trading.
There were some voices in crypto who were less willing to publicly slam Trump’s reserve plan.
Michael Saylor, the chairman of Strategy, which has effectively emerged as a bitcoin proxy due to its roughly $43 billion stash, told CNBC on Monday that he wasn’t surprised about Trump’s decision to include additional cryptocurrencies.
“There’s no way to interpret this other than this is bullish for bitcoin and bullish for the entire U.S. crypto industry,” Saylor said. “I believe the best thing for the country is to move forward with an enlightened progressive policy toward digital assets.”
Jonathan Jachym, global head of policy and government relations at Kraken, told CNBC that the crypto exchange is “encouraged to see that announcement” and that it shows the president is “staying true to commitments.”
Even among the skeptics, Trump doesn’t appear to be losing broader support for his agenda just because of this one announcement. Backers like Lonsdale have been quick to post about other matters, complimenting actions taken by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Trump for pressuring Mexican drug cartels.
But coming just six weeks into Trump’s second administration, the reaction shows how quickly the outrage machine can activate when a proposal touches the nerve of a critical group of supporters. The debate adds interest to Trump’s first White House Crypto Summit on Friday, when investors will eagerly be awaiting more details.
As Sacks wrote on March 2, in his first post about the announcement of the strategic reserve, “More to come at the Summit.”
In a move that underscores the growing instability in international e-bike trade, premium electric bike maker Riese & Müller has paused all e-bike shipments to the United States, citing unpredictable steel tariffs as the final straw.
The German brand, known for its high-end urban and cargo e-bikes, informed US dealers this week that it is halting exports for the foreseeable future. While the company pointed to the recent reinstatement of a 50% tariff on certain steel components from overseas, including Germany, the broader issue here seems to be the chaotic and ever-shifting tariff landscape surrounding e-bike imports.
“We need to take a few days to carefully evaluate this situation and its implications before proceeding with further steps,” explained the company in an email to its dealers in the US, according to Bicycle Retailer.
This isn’t the first time tariffs have disrupted the flow of electric two-wheelers into the US. The Trump administration’s Section 301 tariffs targeting Chinese goods initially shook up the industry during the administration’s first term, hitting Chinese-made e-bikes and components with 25% duties before being temporarily suspended. Those tariffs whipped back and forth as exclusions came and went, then became a double whammy after the Trump administration’s “reciprocal” tariffs added even more hardships to e-bike importers in the US. And now, as of July 1, additional steel tariffs have expanded the uncertainty.
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What’s unusual in Riese & Müller’s case is that most e-bikes – even expensive ones – use relatively little steel compared to aluminum. Frames, forks, wheels, and most structural components are increasingly made from aluminum alloys or carbon fiber. But with the tariff code system as vague and inconsistently enforced as it is, it seems R&M simply doesn’t want to take the risk of unexpected import costs – or the administrative mess that comes with it, including having to account for how much of a bike is produced from steel components and what the value of those components proves to be.
The impact on the US market will likely be minor in volume; Riese & Müller is a premium but somewhat boutique brand with a loyal yet small customer base. Still, this is a canary in the coal mine. If even premium brands are choosing to step away from the US market over tariff unpredictability, what happens when larger, mass-market brands start running into similar issues?
For now, dealers in the US are being told to sell through existing stock and not take additional orders until the company can determine whether it will be able to continue importing e-bikes into the US. But if the trade war tariffs contineu, this may not be the last premium brand to throw in the towel – at least temporarily.
Electrek’s Take
This isn’t just about one German e-bike brand putting things on pause – it’s a red flag for the industry. While Riese & Müller may be small in terms of US volume, their decision shows how unpredictable tariffs, even on seemingly minor components, can create enough uncertainty to shut down an entire market channel. Most e-bikes are made primarily from aluminum, not steel, but when customs enforcement can interpret tariff codes in vague or inconsistent ways, no brand wants to gamble on a five-figure shipment getting hit with a surprise 25-50% fee.
What’s more concerning is that this adds to a growing stack of trade policy hurdles facing e-bike makers: China-focused tariffs, broader “reciprocal” tariffs, battery import duties, and now steel restrictions hitting European brands too. There’s no coherent strategy here, just a patchwork of protectionist measures that hurt importers, confuse dealers, and raise prices for consumers. If the US wants to promote micromobility and clean transportation, it’s going to need smarter policies than this.
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Solar is taking off across Africa in a big way. According to a new analysis of China’s solar panel exports data from energy think tank Ember, solar panel imports into the continent jumped 60% in the 12 months through June 2025, setting a record that could reshape electricity systems in many countries.
In that period, Africa imported 15,032 megawatts (MW) of solar panels, up from 9,379 MW the year before. While South Africa has dominated past surges, this wave is happening across the map: 20 countries set new import records, and 25 countries each brought in at least 100 MW, compared to just 15 a year earlier.
Nigeria overtook Egypt to become the second-largest importer with 1,721 MW, while Algeria surged into third with 1,199 MW. Growth rates in some countries were staggering: Algeria’s imports jumped 33-fold, Zambia’s eightfold, Botswana’s sevenfold, and Sudan’s sixfold. Liberia, the DRC, Benin, Angola, and Ethiopia all more than tripled their imports.
Still, import numbers don’t tell the whole story. It’s unclear how many of these panels have been installed yet. Muhammad Mustafa Amjad of Renewables First, an energy transition think tank in Pakistan, pointed out that countries risk losing valuable time and opportunities without proper tracking. “Africa’s transition will happen regardless,” he said, “but with timely data it can be more equitable, planned, and inclusive.”
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If these panels do get installed, the impact could be massive. In Sierra Leone, the past year’s imports alone could cover 61% of the country’s 2023 electricity generation. For Chad, it’s 49%. Liberia, Somalia, Eritrea, Togo, and Benin could all boost generation by more than 10% compared to 2023, and 16 countries could see increases of over 5%.
The economic case is also strong. In Nigeria, solar savings from replacing diesel could repay panel costs in just six months, or even less in other countries. In fact, in nine of Africa’s top 10 solar panel importers, the value of imported refined petroleum outweighed solar imports by factors of between 30 to 107.
Ember’s chief analyst, Dave Jones, called the surge “a pivotal moment,” urging more research and reporting to keep pace with the rapid rise to “ensure the world’s cheapest electricity source fulfills its vast potential to transform the African continent.”
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Hyundai and Kia vehicles are popping up on US roads more than ever, and a lot of it has to do with EVs. The South Korean auto giants just hit another milestone as they gear up to introduce several new models.
Hyundai and Kia bet on EVs, hybrids for growth in the US
After launching their first hybrid vehicles in the US in 2011, the Sonata and K5, Hyundai and Kia have come a long way.
Today, two out of ten Hyundai or Kia models sold in the US are considered “eco-friendly,” including electric (EV), hybrid, plug-in hybrid (PHEV), and fuel cell electric (FCEV) vehicles.
After 14 years, Hyundai and Kia announced on Monday that combined, they have now sold over 1.5 million eco-friendly cars in the US. In a statement, the company said it continues seeing strong demand for several models, including the Tucson Hybrid, IONIQ 5, and Niro Hybrid.
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Although 14 years is a relatively long time, in the first few years, they only offered a few models. It took 11 years to reach the 500,000 mark in 2022, and in just three years, they’ve since tripled it.
Hyundai and Kia’s eco-friendly car sales in the US since 2011, including EV, hybrid, PHEV, and FCEV (Source: Hyundai)
Since reaching 100,000 in annual sales in 2021, brand sales of eco-friendly cars have grown rapidly. Hyundai and Kia sold 182,627 units in 2022, 278,122 units in 2023, and 364,441 units in 2024. This year, they sold over 221,500 in the first six months, up 20% from the same period in 2024.
Hybrids accounted for over 1.1 million, followed by electric vehicles with nearly 375,000, and FCEVs at just over 1,850 units sold.
2025 Hyundai IONIQ 5 at a Tesla Supercharger (Source: Hyundai)
The Hyundai Tucson Hybrid and Kia Niro Hybrid are the brand’s top-selling eco-friendly cars in the US. Hyundai’s Sonata Hybrid and IONIQ 5 ranked second and fourth. Meanwhile, the Kia Sportage Hybrid and Sorento Hybrid placed third and fifth.
Hyundai and Kia offer 19 eco-friendly vehicles in the US, including eight hybrid and PHEVs, 10 EVs, and just one FCEV.
2025 Kia EV6 US-spec model (Source: Kia)
Both brands sold more vehicles in the US in the first half of the year than ever. With Hyundai now building vehicles at its new EV plant in Georgia, including the 2025 IONIQ 5 and 2026 IONIQ 9, the automaker expects the growth to continue. Kia assembles the EV6 and EV9 at a separate plant in Georgia, and will introduce the EV4, its first electric sedan, in early 2026.
Based on the advanced E-GMP platform, Hyundai and Kia’s electric vehicles offer some of the longest driving ranges, fastest charging speeds, and remain surprisingly affordable.
Hyundai IONIQ 9 (Source: Hyundai)
With leases starting as low as $159 per month, the 2025 Hyundai IONIQ 5 is one of the most affordable EV lease deals in the US. Even the three-row IONIQ 9 is listed with monthly leases as low as $299. That’s pretty cheap for a nearly $60,000 three-row electric SUV.
Hyundai will continue to offer hybrids in response to the changing policies under the Trump Administration. It also plans to add hybrid production in Georgia, starting next year.
Looking to check one out for yourself? We can help you find vehicles in your area. You can use our links below to view Hyundai and Kia models near you.
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