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As the clock ticked down towards 12.01am Eastern Standard Time on 12 March, Liam Bates kept refreshing his browser.

Over the preceding weeks, Marcegaglia, the stainless steel company whose long products division he headed up, had rushed to melt and ship as much metal as it could from its furnaces in Sheffield across to the east coast of America, ahead of the imposition of tariffs.

Stainless steel

UK and US industrially interlocked

Of all the varieties of steel, stainless steel – an alloy of iron and chrome, along with other elements like nickel, molybdenum and carbon – is among the most important. Unlike most other iron alloys, which can rust when they encounter oxygen, stainless steel has a passive film that protects it from corrosion and can even self-heal. That makes it essential not just for use in sinks and cutlery (where most people will encounter it on a daily basis) but, arguably even more essential, in surgical instruments, heavy machinery and the pipes and ducts out of sight but essential to keeping civilisation working.

The trick of how to make stainless steel in large quantities was discovered here in Sheffield by Harry Brearley, and while the laboratories he worked for shut down long ago, the furnace at Marcegaglia, in an industrial park just outside the city, can trace a continuous thread back to him. This furnace used to be owned by British Steel, the nationalised corporation responsible for most of Britain’s steel manufacture until the days of privatisation.

Marcegaglia steel furnace
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Marcegaglia steel furnace in Sheffield

Ever since the invention of stainless steel, Britain has melted, cast and exported vast quantities of the stuff to America. For all that the US has a sizeable stainless steel sector, the two countries’ stainless sectors have nonetheless been industrially interlocked since the days of Henry Ford. You can see it in the way Marcegaglia functions.

It melts down scrap in its electric arc furnace in Sheffield – an enormous cauldron whose electrodes create a storm of lightning that consumes the same power as a sizeable northern city – and adds the relevant alloy ingredients to form a long, heavy metallic bar, a billet as it’s known. That billet is then shipped across the Atlantic to the company’s other site, where the billets are processed into bars that are then sold into the North American market. It is a single economic organism, split only by an ocean.

But today that ocean and that cross-country split have become an enormous problem. The last time Donald Trump imposed tariffs on steel imports, back in 2018, so-called “intermediate” products like the billet made by Marcegaglia and then processed in America were excluded from the duties. This time around, the initial tariff rules had no such exemptions. The upshot was that any steel arriving in American ports after 12.01am Eastern Standard Time on 12 March – including Marcegaglia’s half-finished stainless billets – would incur hefty 25% tariffs.

A race against time

All of which was why Liam Bates had raced to get as much steel as possible into the US before that deadline. But as he refreshed his browser in the run-up to that deadline, he noticed two straggling shipments, still stuck on the Atlantic. The two ships, the Eva Marie and the Atlantic Star, were, between them, carrying about $12m of steel and they had been due to dock in the US on 10 or 11 March. If so, they would have avoided having to pay those 25% tariffs. But now storms and squalls were spreading across the North Atlantic. Would they stray into the ships’ path, disrupting shipping?

If the cargo arrived late, it would obliterate any margin the company hoped to make on its steel. And since those bars were destined for Marcegaglia’s own plant, the company would have to pay all those costs itself (tariffs are technically paid by the importer). Somehow, Bates had found himself helplessly witnessing an unexpected collision of politics and weather – with profound commercial consequences.

Of all the metal items Britain exports to the US, stainless steel is by far and away the biggest category. And the vast majority of that steel comes from the melt shop at Marcegaglia. But the quandary facing Liam Bates, and those companies he sells to in the US, helps illustrate the difficulties of economic policy-by-tariff.

Americans will see cost of most things go up

The prevailing theory behind the White House measures is that by raising the price of all imported metals, it will encourage domestic producers to build new production. It will help the US to reindustrialise – or so says Donald Trump. And in the long run, that might well prove right. Already, metals producers are raising money, promising to restart old, mothballed smelters. After all, if your main overseas competitors have seen their prices rise by 25%, that’s quite a competitive opportunity.

The problem is: building industrial production takes time. Marcegaglia itself is planning to replace its old furnace with a newer model, but the planning process has already taken years; the construction itself will be measured in months if not years too. In other words, even if everything goes to plan, America is very unlikely to replace imported steel with domestic production within the period of Donald Trump’s term as president.

In the meantime, American consumers will see the cost of pretty much everything going up. After all, steel – ignored or dismissed as it sometimes is – is the single most important metallic substance in the world. If something isn’t made of steel it’s made in machines made of steel. And lifting some of those steel prices by 25% will travel like an economic tidal wave through US supply chains.

UK flooded with cheap imported steel

The tidal wave is already washing back elsewhere too. With so much steel now unable to get into the US at a decent price, exporters are redeploying shipments elsewhere. All of a sudden countries like the UK are seeing a flood of cheap imported steel – good news in the short run for consumers, but disastrous for what is left of Britain’s domestic industry.

Sheffield Marcegaglia steel furnace

As the deadline approached and Bates nervously refreshed his live vessel tracking map, disaster struck. The squalls across the Atlantic mounted and the Eva Marie and Atlantic Star slowed nearly to a halt. By the time midnight struck and the tariffs came into place, the two vessels were still many miles off the US coast. They had lost the race. The upshot was Marcegaglia would have to pay around $4m in tariffs – about £3m.

That a company was struck with a somewhat arbitrary fee simply to pass goods from one of its factories to another might be among the most egregious examples of the collateral economic damage wrought by trade barriers, but it is likely to be the first of many perverse episodes, with consequences all around the world. For steel is not the only metal to be hit with tariffs. If anything, the drama is even greater for another metal: aluminium.

Aluminium

The world’s biggest factory – hidden in Scotland

Here’s a riddle for you: what is the biggest factory in the world?

You’re probably thinking of vast, cavernous car production lines in Michigan, of shipyards in Korea or steelworks in China. But there’s a strong case to be made that the world’s biggest factory is instead to be found deep in the Highlands of Scotland.

Not that it looks anything like a factory. To the untrained eye, it looks, instead, like heather, forests and bubbling burns of water trickling into lochs. But the 114,000 acres of estates in Lochaber and Badenoch – the third biggest rural estate in Scotland – play a crucial role in helping produce one of the most important substances in the world.

Part of the side of the mountain running into an enormous hydroelectric power station for Fort William aluminium plant
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Part of the side of a mountain running into a hydroelectric power station for Fort William aluminium plant

The Fort William aluminium plant sits under the shadow of Ben Nevis, the tallest peak in the United Kingdom. Once upon a time, it was just one of a constellation of smelters dotted around Scotland, that made this country, all told, one of the world’s biggest aluminium producers.

For all that it is very prevalent in the earth’s crust, aluminium used to be one of the world’s most precious metals – so much so that no one had even laid eyes on it until the 19th century. When he wanted to impress his guests, Napoleon III served them dinner not on gold plates but on aluminium.

An extraordinary metal

Why? Because aluminium is very difficult – even harder than iron – to convert from the ores you find in the ground into its metallic form. Burn iron ore hot enough, in the right kind of furnace alongside the right kind of charcoal or coal, and you eventually smelt out a form of metal. But aluminium needs a different kind of force to be persuaded to loosen its bonds and form into a pure metal – the force of electricity.

So only when the Hall-Heroult process, which allows you to smelt aluminium via electrolysis of alumina (a processed version of the bauxite you get out of the ground), was invented in 1886 did aluminium become a widely available metal. Few people talk these days about the Hall-Heroult process, but it was a breakthrough of earth-shattering proportions. Aluminium is an extraordinary metal – strong but light. And those qualities make it essential in aeronautic deployments. No aluminium, no planes.

Fort William aluminium plant
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Fort William aluminium plant

It is no coincidence that the Wright Brothers’ plane at Kitty Hawk had an engine made out of aluminium. Steel would have weighed the glider down too much. And it’s no coincidence that powered flight happened shortly after aluminium became widely available. Without the Hall-Heroult process, the world would have been a very different place.

While the process wasn’t dreamt up in the UK, British industrialists rapidly embraced it, building smelters all over the country. But the catch with aluminium is that you can’t smelt it without a big and (this is important) very reliable supply of power. Turn off the power to those enormous carbon electrodes inside an aluminium smelter and in a matter of hours the metal at its base will solidify, effectively destroying it. More than nearly any other industrial process, this is not something you can just switch off willy-nilly, which helps explain why smelters aren’t typically dependent on variable power sources like wind and solar.

It also explains why, throughout history, these plants have been seen as some of the most important industrial locations throughout the world. The Fort William plant provided most of the aluminium used in Spitfires during WWII. It was repeatedly targeted by the Luftwaffe – indeed there is an old German bomb kept as a memento just near the turbines that power the cells here.

Fort William aluminium dam
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Fort William aluminium dam

Some of the world’s earliest smelters were powered by hydroelectricity – most notably the ones which drew their power from the Niagara Falls plants near Buffalo, New York. But the Fort William plant was subtly but importantly different. Those other hydro plants would typically piggyback off a big dam generating power from a big river – such as the ones you find in the US or Canada, or the fjords of Norway. But none of Britain’s rivers is quite powerful enough or with a reliable enough flow to provide that kind of uninterrupted power.

Radical design

So the designers of the Fort William plant did something radical. They bought up vast stretches of the countryside around Ben Nevis (including Ben Nevis itself). And within that estate, they built a series of dams to collect the rainwater trickling down from local watersheds. Those dams weren’t there to generate power for homes – they were there to collect the water and channel it through a series of tunnels, running 16 miles through the hills and through the flanks of Ben Nevis. Then the water, collected from those 114,000 acres, feeds five pipes running down the side of the mountain which run into an enormous hydroelectric power station.

Fort William aluminium dam

There are many aluminium smelters around the world and many hydroelectric dams. But none are quite like this one. The point being that without the estate, without all those trickling streams and heather-covered watersheds, the plant here simply wouldn’t function. It is all part of a single ecosystem.

These days the plant is connected to the national grid, meaning it also serves another function: balancing. This comes back to one of the dysfunctions of the grid: it doesn’t have enough high-voltage lines connecting Scotland, with all its wind farms, and the south. So on windy days, when there’s too much power in Scotland, instead of curtailing those farms and wasting the electricity, the plant can suck in extra power from the Scottish section of the grid and leave its water where it is as a sort of battery.

Competition from China

The problem the plant has faced is that these days aluminium is a commodity metal. And it’s becoming harder and harder to compete with the cheap metal being exported from China. China dominates the global supply of the metal, in large part because its suppliers benefit from cheap energy and generous government subsidies – neither of which are available in the UK. As the years have gone by, the workers at Fort William have watched as, one by one, every other plant in Britain was shuttered. Rumours still abound that they may eventually be next.

Fort William aluminium plant
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Fort William aluminium plant

And, much as for Marcegaglia down in Sheffield, the tariffs on aluminium will only make life tougher for Alvance, the unit of Liberty House – part of Indian-born Sanjeev Gupta’s business empire – that now owns the Fort William plant. Arguably, the impact could be even greater. The last time Donald Trump imposed tariffs on aluminium back in 2018, the rate he chose was 10%. The difference with the steel tariff level (which was 25% then and now) reflected the fact that the US imported far more aluminium than steel. Imposing severe extra costs on it would, the White House worried, cripple the American aerospace and car businesses dependent on the metal. No such concern this time around. The tariff is 25%.

Quite how that will affect the plant here in the Scottish Highlands remains to be seen. After all, Alvance itself doesn’t sell anything directly to the US, sending its large slabs of metal to other firms in England which process and roll them into sheets and specialised components, some of which end up in the US. Perhaps, as the defence industry ratchets up in the coming years, more of that aluminium will be used by domestic industry. But what’s to stop UK manufacturers doing what they’ve been doing for years, and simply opting for the cheapest metal available, which usually comes from China? Either way, life for the last remaining aluminium plant in the UK is about to get harder, not easier.

But while the main upshot of the trade war building across the Atlantic and the Pacific will be to make both sides worse off – that, at least, is the prediction from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – that doesn’t mean there won’t be some beneficiaries in this country. For a small but important example, let’s travel from the far north of Britain to its far south.

Tungsten

UK has one of its biggest resources in world

Drive across Dartmoor, the windswept national park in the heart of Devon, and every so often you come across the remains of an old tin mine. At Fox Tor you find the remains of alluvial mining; there is Golden Dagger Mine, which ran all the way to the 1930s, as well as the hollow stone chimney of the pumping house at Wheal Betsy.

Hemerdon tungsten mine
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Hemerdon tungsten mine

For much of the ancient era, tin – which when mixed with copper creates the alloy bronze – was what we would today call a “critical mineral”, essential for the production of the strong tools and weapons of the Bronze Age. And for centuries, the majority of Europe’s tin came from Cornwall and Devon.

That, of course, is long in the past. But just on the outskirts of Dartmoor is a site that could – just could – make this an important site for critical minerals once again. For here, beneath the soil of southwest England, is one of the world’s biggest resources of tungsten.

Tungsten among few substances on everyone’s list

Tungsten is among the 21st century’s most important critical minerals. Nearly every country has a list of these materials – the kinds of things they need to make their most important products – and the members of those lists vary by region. But tungsten is one of the few substances that feature in everyone’s list. The hardest metal in existence, with the highest melting point, it is essential in the production of hard steel tools, weapons, armour and as the electrodes inside semiconductor circuits. If you are making electronics you need tungsten. If you are going to war you need tungsten.

Hemerdon tungsten mine

Perhaps it’s no coincidence that the main heyday for this mine, which contains plenty of tin as well as tungsten, was in the First and Second World Wars. Much as the Fort William plant provided aluminium for British Spitfires, Hemerdon provided the tungsten and tin needed for the weapons Britain used to fight the Nazis. But ever since then, its history has been chequered, to say the least.

It went into hibernation for decades, a sleep broken for only a single day during the Korean War. Then, a few years ago, investors tried to get it up and running again. They built a vast processing plant and began to mine the metal. But by 2019 the operation had run out of money and imploded. All that was left was an even bigger hole in the ground, a large tailings dam for waste and a hangar filled with processing equipment.

In part, the reason Hemerdon went belly-up that time was because the company made the mistake miners often make: they misjudged the type of ore they were expecting to grind through, meaning their processing plant was far less efficient than it could have been. But an even bigger challenge came back to something that will sound familiar: they were trying to compete with China.

China dominates world tungsten production – even more so than for aluminium and steel. It essentially controls the global market and, just as importantly, the tungsten price. Anyone trying to sell tungsten is contending with Chinese prices which can yo-yo for reasons no one can entirely explain. That makes it fiendishly difficult to compete.

But in recent years, new investors have begun to put fresh funds into the Hemerdon mine, hoping history will not repeat itself and this time around it can exploit that enormous ore resource. And there are at least a couple of reasons to believe (famous last words in finance) that “this time might be different”.

The first is that, in retaliation against Donald Trump’s latest metal tariffs, China has begun to put export limits on tungsten. How this will work in practice remains unclear (remember that like most markets China controls, the way tungsten sales function is almost completely opaque) but if it encourages domestic buyers to look for local suppliers, that could help the mine to find buyers. After all, in theory, it could produce a few thousand tonnes of the metal each year, which would instantly leapfrog Britain to become the world’s second or third-biggest producer (albeit a long way down from China).

Supplies matter more than ever

The second big shift comes back to defence. With the world remilitarising, all of a sudden tungsten supplies matter more than ever. And since defence suppliers pay outsized attention to where metals come from, again, that might allow a British tungsten mine to succeed where predecessors have failed.

Add to this the fact that the mine itself is nearly ready to be exploited and that the new owners reckon they’ve ironed out the problems that beset their predecessors, and it’s a compelling case. They think they could be getting metal out of the ground as soon as next year.

But those overarching challenges haven’t gone away. And nor has another, bigger problem facing the entire industry, not just in the UK but – perhaps even more so – in the US. How can you plan in a world where you just don’t know what’s coming out of the White House in the next few days, let alone the next few years?

Consider: imagine you’re a stainless steel producer or an aluminium smelter in the US. Those 25% tariffs mean all of a sudden in theory you have a competitive advantage over anyone shipping metal into the country. All of a sudden, there’s a strong case to build a smelter or a stainless steel melting shop. So you get to work looking for backers.

Uncertainty creates challenges

But building a plant like this takes time. You need to find a site, connect it to high-voltage power, and build the facilities and all the necessary infrastructure. Best case scenario: it might take a couple of years, but even that is ambitious. And as you contemplate this and map out your plans, those backers will ask you the same nagging question you’ve been asking yourself: sure, the economics of an aluminium smelter might add up today; but what if the president changes his mind tomorrow, or next year? What if those tariffs are pulled by the next president? Then, all of a sudden, the sums very much don’t add up.

All of which is to say, uncertainty around tariffs is a challenge not just for those companies hoping to ship products to America, but for American firms hoping to benefit from this trade war. And bear in mind metals are only the first chapter of what could be a long saga, which ends up engulfing all corners of American trade. These are unpredictable times, however you look at it.

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Bournemouth: The seaside town ‘changed’ by immigration – where non-British-born population rose nearly 50%

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Bournemouth: The seaside town 'changed' by immigration - where non-British-born population rose nearly 50%

The British seaside town of Bournemouth has a complex relationship with migration. It needs migrants to work in the tourist industry, which is vital for the economy.

Some residents say it’s always been a multicultural place, but others question if too many people coming here undermines the cultural identity of the town.

On Bournemouth seafront, we find that immigration is something that some white British people want to talk about – but not openly, and not on camera.

One woman, who knows the town well, said: “Bournemouth has changed because of the migration of people who have come here. The whole atmosphere of the place has changed.

One woman, who would only speak anonymously, said the 'atmosphere of the town has changed'
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One woman, who would only speak anonymously, said the ‘atmosphere of the town has changed’

“It’s strange to hear foreign languages spoken so frequently in our country. To not understand anything that’s being said around you is disconcerting,” she added.

I asked her if it made her uncomfortable, and if so, why? Is it the scale of migration which is bothering her?

“Visually, that seems to be the case,” she says. “We see what we see. I don’t see many white British people.”

I’m trying to get to the heart of what’s troubling her.

“It’s hard to define. I remember how it was. I remember the community. I’m worrying that our society as Brits is being undermined by the people who are coming in,” she says.

For decades, Britain has wrestled with the thorny issue of migration – who should be allowed into the country and from where.

The change in the demographic of the town is clear. Between the 2011 and 2021 censuses, the non-British-born population in Bournemouth’s local authority went up by 47%, and UK net migration has continued to rise significantly since then.

Read more:
Councils threaten revolt over asylum hotels

Bournemouth is a popular tourist destination
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Bournemouth is a popular tourist destination

The town attracts tourists because of its long sandy beach
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The town attracts tourists because of its long sandy beach

Post-Brexit changes

Nine years ago – just before Brexit – we visited Bournemouth’s Cumberland Hotel. Back then, the staff were mostly EU citizens – many from Eastern Europe.

Returning to the hotel, we speak to the manager, Sean Nell.

He said: “A lot of our workforce were EU nationals and after Brexit, a lot of them left – they found other work other than hospitality.

“A lot of our workforce we’re seeing now that we can recruit from is probably South Asia.”

Sean Nell, hotel manager in Bournemouth
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Sean Nell, hotel manager in Bournemouth

One of the staff is barman Shardul Tomas, who came to the UK from India in 2022 on a student visa. Whilst studying for his master’s degree, he began working at the hotel.

“It’s good to come here and experience new culture and do what we wish to do in our fields….after Brexit, the Europeans were less, so we were able to get good jobs,” he said.

Shardul Tomas moved to the UK three years ago
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Shardul Tomas moved to the UK three years ago

‘We are replaced’

Nine years ago, Margaret Kubik was the assistant restaurant manager at the Cumberland.

We tracked her down and discovered she’s now working as a self-employed driving instructor.

She said: “When we met nine years ago, we as the Polish people were very much accused of taking the jobs from English people. Now we are replaced by the South Asian people.”

Margaret Kubik came to the UK in 2004 from Poland she now works as a driving instructor
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Margaret Kubik came to the UK in 2004 from Poland she now works as a driving instructor

‘It’s not England any more’

For some Bournemouth residents, hotels housing asylum seekers have almost become the focal point for wider concerns about migration – as is happening in other towns across the UK.

Visiting a protest outside an asylum hotel, we found people are less camera shy than the woman on the seafront – seemingly more comfortable talking about migration among a crowd of like-minded people.

The Britannia Hotel in Bournemouth is one site which has housed asylum seekers
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The Britannia Hotel in Bournemouth is one site which has housed asylum seekers

In reference to asylum seekers, one protester, shaking her head, told us: “We don’t know who these people are. Who are they? It makes you feel like it’s not England any more.”

For a couple of hours, two angry groups face off over their differing views on immigration. But not everyone shares concerns about the impact of migration on the town.

Kevin Maidment was born in Bournemouth. I asked if he feels the fabric of the town has changed.

Kevin Maidment
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Kevin Maidment

Protesters ‘need somebody to hate’

He said: “No, because it’s always been a place where foreign language students visit.

“I think this lot down the road, they need somebody to hate… now it’s refugees, 10 years ago it was the Poles and the Eastern Europeans,” he said.

Watching the two groups with opposing views trying to drown each other out is a man called Colin. He lives in a flat between two asylum hotels, a few minutes walk apart.

Colin lives in a flat between two asylum hotels
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Colin lives in a flat between two asylum hotels

“Personally, the immigrants aren’t a problem on the street or anything like that at all,” Colin says, referring to those seeking asylum.

“But people are fed up with the cost. The cost is a big problem because it’s so high.”

But with more councils vowing to launch legal challenges over the government’s use of asylum hotels, the immigration protest movement shows no sign of fizzling out.

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Two Labour-run councils ‘considering all options’ to challenge migrant hotel use

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Two Labour-run councils 'considering all options' to challenge migrant hotel use

Two Labour-run councils have said they are considering taking legal action to stop the use of hotels to house migrants in their areas after Epping council won a temporary injunction on Tuesday.

The leaders of Wirral and Tamworth councils both say they are considering their legal options in the wake of the Epping case, citing similar concerns about the impact of the hotels on their local communities.

Epping Forest District Council won an interim High Court injunction to stop migrants from being accommodated at The Bell Hotel, after arguing its owners did not have planning permission to use it to house migrants.

Politics latest: Judge in Epping hotel case was Tory candidate four times

In a statement, Paula Basnett, the Labour leader of Wirral council, said: “Like many other local authorities, we have concerns about the Home Office’s practice of placing asylum seekers in hotels without consultation or regard to local planning requirements.

“We are actively considering all options available to us to ensure that any use of hotels or other premises in Wirral is lawful and does not ride roughshod over planning regulations or the wishes of our communities.

Police officers ahead of a demonstration outside The Bell Hotel. Pic: PA
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Police officers ahead of a demonstration outside The Bell Hotel. Pic: PA

“Wirral has always been proud of its record in supporting families and those fleeing conflict, but it is unacceptable for the government to impose unsuitable, short-term arrangements that disrupt communities and bypass local decision-making.

“If necessary, we will not hesitate to challenge such decisions in order to protect both residents and those seeking refuge.”

Carol Dean, the Labour leader of Tamworth Borough Council, said she understands the “strong feelings” of residents about the use of a local hotel to house asylum seekers, and that the council is “listening to their concerns and taking them seriously”.

She pointed out that under the national Labour government, the use of hotels has halved from 402 to 210, with the aim of stopping the use of any hotels by the end of this parliament.

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Migrant hotels a ‘failure of policy’

But she continued: “Following the temporary High Court injunction granted to Epping Forest District Council, we are closely monitoring developments and reviewing our legal position in light of this significant ruling.”

Cllr Dean added that they had previously explored their legal options to challenge the use of the hotel but decided against them, as temporary injunctions were not being upheld.

However, the Epping ruling “represents a potentially important legal precedent”, which is why they are “carefully assessing” its significance for Tamworth.

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Minister ‘gets asylum frustration’

“We fully recognise the UK government has a statutory duty to accommodate people seeking asylum. However, we have consistently maintained that the prolonged use of hotel accommodation may not represent the best approach – either for our local community or for the asylum seekers themselves,” she said.

“We will continue to work constructively with government departments and all relevant agencies while making sure the voice of our community is heard at the highest levels of government.”

Last night, Conservative-run Broxbourne Council also announced it was exploring its legal options, and the Reform UK leader of Kent County said she was writing to fellow leaders in Kent to explore whether they could potentially take legal action as well.

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Asylum hotels: ‘People have had enough’

Use of Epping hotel ‘sidestepped public scrutiny’

The prime minister and the home secretary are under huge pressure to clear the asylum backlog and stop using hotels across the country to house those waiting for their applications to be processed.

Protests have sprung up at migrant hotels across the country. But The Bell Hotel in Epping became a focal point in recent weeks after an asylum seeker housed there was charged with sexually assaulting a 14-year-old girl.

Epping Forest District Council sought an interim High Court injunction to stop migrants from being accommodated at the hotel, owned by Somani Hotels Limited, on the basis that using it for that purpose contravened local planning regulations.

The Bell Hotel in Epping. Pic: PA
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The Bell Hotel in Epping. Pic: PA

The interim injunction demanded that the hotel be cleared of its occupants within 14 days, but in his ruling on Tuesday, Mr Justice Eyre granted the temporary block, while extending the time limit by which it must stop housing asylum seekers to 12 September.

Somani Hotels said it intended to appeal the decision, its barrister, Piers Riley-Smith, arguing it would set a precedent that could affect “the wider strategy” of housing asylum seekers in hotels.

A government attempt to delay the application was rejected by the High Court judge earlier on Tuesday, Home Office barristers arguing the case had a “substantial impact” on the Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, in performing her legal duties to asylum seekers.

But Mr Justice Eyre dismissed the Home Office’s bid, stating that the department’s involvement was “not necessary”.

Read more:
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Labour smell dirty tricks over asylum hotel court ruling
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The judge said the hotel’s owners “sidestepped the public scrutiny and explanation which would otherwise have taken place if an application for planning permission or for a certificate of lawful use had been made”.

He added: “It was also deliberately taking the chance that its understanding of the legal position was incorrect. This is a factor of particular weight in the circumstances of this case.”

Reacting to Tuesday’s judgment, border security minister Dame Angela Eagle said the government will “continue working with local authorities and communities to address legitimate concerns”.

She added: “Our work continues to close all asylum hotels by the end of this parliament.”

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Did Robert Jenrick really ‘boast’ about opening hotels for asylum seekers?

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Did Robert Jenrick really 'boast' about opening hotels for asylum seekers?

A row has broken out between the Tories and Reform about previous comments on migrant hotels, so who said what and when?

At the centre of the argument is an interview Robert Jenrick did with Sky News back in November 2022, one week after he was appointed immigration minister in Rishi Sunak’s government.

His appearance came amid a crisis at an asylum seeker processing centre in Kent, which had become severely overcrowded – with migrants sleeping on the floor and families being housed in marquees.

Politics latest: Councils plan legal challenges to migrant hotels

The home secretary at the time, Suella Braverman, had also been accused of allowing the situation to develop by failing to procure sufficient alternative accommodation – such as hotels – for migrants to be taken to.

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Full clip: Jenrick on hotels in 2022

Asked about this by Sky News in 2022, Robert Jenrick said: “More hotels have been coming online almost every month throughout the whole of this year.

“So, Suella Braverman and her predecessor, Priti Patel, were procuring more hotels. What I have done in my short tenure is ramp that up and procure even more because November, historically, has been one of the highest months of the year for migrants illegally crossing the Channel.”

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Council wins asylum hotel case

Fast-forward almost three years, and this clip has been seized on by Reform UK as evidence that Mr Jenrick “boasted” about how many migrant hotels he had opened.

That’s a potentially damaging accusation, given the now shadow justice secretary recently joined protests outside a migrant hotel in Essex.

Mr Jenrick responded by accusing Reform of posting a “selectively clipped” video that didn’t include the context about the Kent processing centre.

To an extent, he has a point.

Nigel Farage's party has posted clips of Mr Jenrick speaking from 2022
Pic: PA
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Nigel Farage’s party has posted clips of Mr Jenrick speaking from 2022
Pic: PA

At the time, the government was fighting accusations that they were risking an expensive court action from migrants claiming they were being detained unlawfully.

The minister’s response was to point out that they were sourcing alternative options to make sure this didn’t happen and to prevent order breaking down in Kent.

Mr Jenrick has also pointed to other comments he made at the time saying, “it is essential we exit the hotels altogether” and describing the expensive hotel bill as “disgraceful”.

But that’s not to say Robert Jenrick hasn’t undergone quite a pronounced shift in both language and substance when it comes to migration.

Mr Jenrick has accused Zia Yusuf of "pushing false and petty crap"
Pic: PA
Image:
Mr Jenrick has accused Zia Yusuf of “pushing false and petty crap”
Pic: PA

For instance, in the same Sky News interview in 2022, he said: “I would never demonise people coming to this country in pursuit of a better life. And I understand and appreciate our obligation to refugees.”

At the time, this wasn’t a surprising view from a minister commonly considered to be in the centre of the Tory party.

But Mr Jenrick’s time as immigration minister saw him move further to the right.

As he has since said himself: “I could see the breakdown of the British state was doing immense damage. It angered me, and it motivated me to do absolutely everything to fix the problem.”

The following months saw Mr Jenrick significantly harden his position, to the point that he resigned over the government’s approach.

But the bigger contradiction Reform is trying to get at by picking this fight is around the Tory record.

It is a fact that the use of hotels to house asylum seekers peaked at just over 55,000 while the Conservatives were in power.

Similarly, it’s a fact that legal migration reached record levels on the Tories watch.

Mr Jenrick can fairly claim that – in the final year of his front-bench career – he did go further than most to try to change this.

But he can’t change the data from the time.

Reform knows that – just as it also knows the Tory record on migration is one of the big pull factors bringing their voters over to them.

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