How Donald Trump’s tariffs are wreaking chaos in the British metal industry
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As the clock ticked down towards 12.01am Eastern Standard Time on 12 March, Liam Bates kept refreshing his browser.
Over the preceding weeks, Marcegaglia, the stainless steel company whose long products division he headed up, had rushed to melt and ship as much metal as it could from its furnaces in Sheffield across to the east coast of America, ahead of the imposition of tariffs.
Stainless steel
UK and US industrially interlocked
Of all the varieties of steel, stainless steel – an alloy of iron and chrome, along with other elements like nickel, molybdenum and carbon – is among the most important. Unlike most other iron alloys, which can rust when they encounter oxygen, stainless steel has a passive film that protects it from corrosion and can even self-heal. That makes it essential not just for use in sinks and cutlery (where most people will encounter it on a daily basis) but, arguably even more essential, in surgical instruments, heavy machinery and the pipes and ducts out of sight but essential to keeping civilisation working.
The trick of how to make stainless steel in large quantities was discovered here in Sheffield by Harry Brearley, and while the laboratories he worked for shut down long ago, the furnace at Marcegaglia, in an industrial park just outside the city, can trace a continuous thread back to him. This furnace used to be owned by British Steel, the nationalised corporation responsible for most of Britain’s steel manufacture until the days of privatisation.
Marcegaglia steel furnace in Sheffield
Ever since the invention of stainless steel, Britain has melted, cast and exported vast quantities of the stuff to America. For all that the US has a sizeable stainless steel sector, the two countries’ stainless sectors have nonetheless been industrially interlocked since the days of Henry Ford. You can see it in the way Marcegaglia functions.
It melts down scrap in its electric arc furnace in Sheffield – an enormous cauldron whose electrodes create a storm of lightning that consumes the same power as a sizeable northern city – and adds the relevant alloy ingredients to form a long, heavy metallic bar, a billet as it’s known. That billet is then shipped across the Atlantic to the company’s other site, where the billets are processed into bars that are then sold into the North American market. It is a single economic organism, split only by an ocean.
But today that ocean and that cross-country split have become an enormous problem. The last time Donald Trump imposed tariffs on steel imports, back in 2018, so-called “intermediate” products like the billet made by Marcegaglia and then processed in America were excluded from the duties. This time around, the initial tariff rules had no such exemptions. The upshot was that any steel arriving in American ports after 12.01am Eastern Standard Time on 12 March – including Marcegaglia’s half-finished stainless billets – would incur hefty 25% tariffs.
A race against time
All of which was why Liam Bates had raced to get as much steel as possible into the US before that deadline. But as he refreshed his browser in the run-up to that deadline, he noticed two straggling shipments, still stuck on the Atlantic. The two ships, the Eva Marie and the Atlantic Star, were, between them, carrying about $12m of steel and they had been due to dock in the US on 10 or 11 March. If so, they would have avoided having to pay those 25% tariffs. But now storms and squalls were spreading across the North Atlantic. Would they stray into the ships’ path, disrupting shipping?
If the cargo arrived late, it would obliterate any margin the company hoped to make on its steel. And since those bars were destined for Marcegaglia’s own plant, the company would have to pay all those costs itself (tariffs are technically paid by the importer). Somehow, Bates had found himself helplessly witnessing an unexpected collision of politics and weather – with profound commercial consequences.
Of all the metal items Britain exports to the US, stainless steel is by far and away the biggest category. And the vast majority of that steel comes from the melt shop at Marcegaglia. But the quandary facing Liam Bates, and those companies he sells to in the US, helps illustrate the difficulties of economic policy-by-tariff.
Americans will see cost of most things go up
The prevailing theory behind the White House measures is that by raising the price of all imported metals, it will encourage domestic producers to build new production. It will help the US to reindustrialise – or so says Donald Trump. And in the long run, that might well prove right. Already, metals producers are raising money, promising to restart old, mothballed smelters. After all, if your main overseas competitors have seen their prices rise by 25%, that’s quite a competitive opportunity.
The problem is: building industrial production takes time. Marcegaglia itself is planning to replace its old furnace with a newer model, but the planning process has already taken years; the construction itself will be measured in months if not years too. In other words, even if everything goes to plan, America is very unlikely to replace imported steel with domestic production within the period of Donald Trump’s term as president.
In the meantime, American consumers will see the cost of pretty much everything going up. After all, steel – ignored or dismissed as it sometimes is – is the single most important metallic substance in the world. If something isn’t made of steel it’s made in machines made of steel. And lifting some of those steel prices by 25% will travel like an economic tidal wave through US supply chains.
UK flooded with cheap imported steel
The tidal wave is already washing back elsewhere too. With so much steel now unable to get into the US at a decent price, exporters are redeploying shipments elsewhere. All of a sudden countries like the UK are seeing a flood of cheap imported steel – good news in the short run for consumers, but disastrous for what is left of Britain’s domestic industry.
As the deadline approached and Bates nervously refreshed his live vessel tracking map, disaster struck. The squalls across the Atlantic mounted and the Eva Marie and Atlantic Star slowed nearly to a halt. By the time midnight struck and the tariffs came into place, the two vessels were still many miles off the US coast. They had lost the race. The upshot was Marcegaglia would have to pay around $4m in tariffs – about £3m.
That a company was struck with a somewhat arbitrary fee simply to pass goods from one of its factories to another might be among the most egregious examples of the collateral economic damage wrought by trade barriers, but it is likely to be the first of many perverse episodes, with consequences all around the world. For steel is not the only metal to be hit with tariffs. If anything, the drama is even greater for another metal: aluminium.
Aluminium
The world’s biggest factory – hidden in Scotland
Here’s a riddle for you: what is the biggest factory in the world?
You’re probably thinking of vast, cavernous car production lines in Michigan, of shipyards in Korea or steelworks in China. But there’s a strong case to be made that the world’s biggest factory is instead to be found deep in the Highlands of Scotland.
Not that it looks anything like a factory. To the untrained eye, it looks, instead, like heather, forests and bubbling burns of water trickling into lochs. But the 114,000 acres of estates in Lochaber and Badenoch – the third biggest rural estate in Scotland – play a crucial role in helping produce one of the most important substances in the world.
Part of the side of a mountain running into a hydroelectric power station for Fort William aluminium plant
The Fort William aluminium plant sits under the shadow of Ben Nevis, the tallest peak in the United Kingdom. Once upon a time, it was just one of a constellation of smelters dotted around Scotland, that made this country, all told, one of the world’s biggest aluminium producers.
For all that it is very prevalent in the earth’s crust, aluminium used to be one of the world’s most precious metals – so much so that no one had even laid eyes on it until the 19th century. When he wanted to impress his guests, Napoleon III served them dinner not on gold plates but on aluminium.
An extraordinary metal
Why? Because aluminium is very difficult – even harder than iron – to convert from the ores you find in the ground into its metallic form. Burn iron ore hot enough, in the right kind of furnace alongside the right kind of charcoal or coal, and you eventually smelt out a form of metal. But aluminium needs a different kind of force to be persuaded to loosen its bonds and form into a pure metal – the force of electricity.
So only when the Hall-Heroult process, which allows you to smelt aluminium via electrolysis of alumina (a processed version of the bauxite you get out of the ground), was invented in 1886 did aluminium become a widely available metal. Few people talk these days about the Hall-Heroult process, but it was a breakthrough of earth-shattering proportions. Aluminium is an extraordinary metal – strong but light. And those qualities make it essential in aeronautic deployments. No aluminium, no planes.
Fort William aluminium plant
It is no coincidence that the Wright Brothers’ plane at Kitty Hawk had an engine made out of aluminium. Steel would have weighed the glider down too much. And it’s no coincidence that powered flight happened shortly after aluminium became widely available. Without the Hall-Heroult process, the world would have been a very different place.
While the process wasn’t dreamt up in the UK, British industrialists rapidly embraced it, building smelters all over the country. But the catch with aluminium is that you can’t smelt it without a big and (this is important) very reliable supply of power. Turn off the power to those enormous carbon electrodes inside an aluminium smelter and in a matter of hours the metal at its base will solidify, effectively destroying it. More than nearly any other industrial process, this is not something you can just switch off willy-nilly, which helps explain why smelters aren’t typically dependent on variable power sources like wind and solar.
It also explains why, throughout history, these plants have been seen as some of the most important industrial locations throughout the world. The Fort William plant provided most of the aluminium used in Spitfires during WWII. It was repeatedly targeted by the Luftwaffe – indeed there is an old German bomb kept as a memento just near the turbines that power the cells here.
Fort William aluminium dam
Some of the world’s earliest smelters were powered by hydroelectricity – most notably the ones which drew their power from the Niagara Falls plants near Buffalo, New York. But the Fort William plant was subtly but importantly different. Those other hydro plants would typically piggyback off a big dam generating power from a big river – such as the ones you find in the US or Canada, or the fjords of Norway. But none of Britain’s rivers is quite powerful enough or with a reliable enough flow to provide that kind of uninterrupted power.
Radical design
So the designers of the Fort William plant did something radical. They bought up vast stretches of the countryside around Ben Nevis (including Ben Nevis itself). And within that estate, they built a series of dams to collect the rainwater trickling down from local watersheds. Those dams weren’t there to generate power for homes – they were there to collect the water and channel it through a series of tunnels, running 16 miles through the hills and through the flanks of Ben Nevis. Then the water, collected from those 114,000 acres, feeds five pipes running down the side of the mountain which run into an enormous hydroelectric power station.
There are many aluminium smelters around the world and many hydroelectric dams. But none are quite like this one. The point being that without the estate, without all those trickling streams and heather-covered watersheds, the plant here simply wouldn’t function. It is all part of a single ecosystem.
These days the plant is connected to the national grid, meaning it also serves another function: balancing. This comes back to one of the dysfunctions of the grid: it doesn’t have enough high-voltage lines connecting Scotland, with all its wind farms, and the south. So on windy days, when there’s too much power in Scotland, instead of curtailing those farms and wasting the electricity, the plant can suck in extra power from the Scottish section of the grid and leave its water where it is as a sort of battery.
Competition from China
The problem the plant has faced is that these days aluminium is a commodity metal. And it’s becoming harder and harder to compete with the cheap metal being exported from China. China dominates the global supply of the metal, in large part because its suppliers benefit from cheap energy and generous government subsidies – neither of which are available in the UK. As the years have gone by, the workers at Fort William have watched as, one by one, every other plant in Britain was shuttered. Rumours still abound that they may eventually be next.
Fort William aluminium plant
And, much as for Marcegaglia down in Sheffield, the tariffs on aluminium will only make life tougher for Alvance, the unit of Liberty House – part of Indian-born Sanjeev Gupta’s business empire – that now owns the Fort William plant. Arguably, the impact could be even greater. The last time Donald Trump imposed tariffs on aluminium back in 2018, the rate he chose was 10%. The difference with the steel tariff level (which was 25% then and now) reflected the fact that the US imported far more aluminium than steel. Imposing severe extra costs on it would, the White House worried, cripple the American aerospace and car businesses dependent on the metal. No such concern this time around. The tariff is 25%.
Quite how that will affect the plant here in the Scottish Highlands remains to be seen. After all, Alvance itself doesn’t sell anything directly to the US, sending its large slabs of metal to other firms in England which process and roll them into sheets and specialised components, some of which end up in the US. Perhaps, as the defence industry ratchets up in the coming years, more of that aluminium will be used by domestic industry. But what’s to stop UK manufacturers doing what they’ve been doing for years, and simply opting for the cheapest metal available, which usually comes from China? Either way, life for the last remaining aluminium plant in the UK is about to get harder, not easier.
But while the main upshot of the trade war building across the Atlantic and the Pacific will be to make both sides worse off – that, at least, is the prediction from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – that doesn’t mean there won’t be some beneficiaries in this country. For a small but important example, let’s travel from the far north of Britain to its far south.
Tungsten
UK has one of its biggest resources in world
Drive across Dartmoor, the windswept national park in the heart of Devon, and every so often you come across the remains of an old tin mine. At Fox Tor you find the remains of alluvial mining; there is Golden Dagger Mine, which ran all the way to the 1930s, as well as the hollow stone chimney of the pumping house at Wheal Betsy.
Hemerdon tungsten mine
For much of the ancient era, tin – which when mixed with copper creates the alloy bronze – was what we would today call a “critical mineral”, essential for the production of the strong tools and weapons of the Bronze Age. And for centuries, the majority of Europe’s tin came from Cornwall and Devon.
That, of course, is long in the past. But just on the outskirts of Dartmoor is a site that could – just could – make this an important site for critical minerals once again. For here, beneath the soil of southwest England, is one of the world’s biggest resources of tungsten.
Tungsten among few substances on everyone’s list
Tungsten is among the 21st century’s most important critical minerals. Nearly every country has a list of these materials – the kinds of things they need to make their most important products – and the members of those lists vary by region. But tungsten is one of the few substances that feature in everyone’s list. The hardest metal in existence, with the highest melting point, it is essential in the production of hard steel tools, weapons, armour and as the electrodes inside semiconductor circuits. If you are making electronics you need tungsten. If you are going to war you need tungsten.
Perhaps it’s no coincidence that the main heyday for this mine, which contains plenty of tin as well as tungsten, was in the First and Second World Wars. Much as the Fort William plant provided aluminium for British Spitfires, Hemerdon provided the tungsten and tin needed for the weapons Britain used to fight the Nazis. But ever since then, its history has been chequered, to say the least.
It went into hibernation for decades, a sleep broken for only a single day during the Korean War. Then, a few years ago, investors tried to get it up and running again. They built a vast processing plant and began to mine the metal. But by 2019 the operation had run out of money and imploded. All that was left was an even bigger hole in the ground, a large tailings dam for waste and a hangar filled with processing equipment.
In part, the reason Hemerdon went belly-up that time was because the company made the mistake miners often make: they misjudged the type of ore they were expecting to grind through, meaning their processing plant was far less efficient than it could have been. But an even bigger challenge came back to something that will sound familiar: they were trying to compete with China.
China dominates world tungsten production – even more so than for aluminium and steel. It essentially controls the global market and, just as importantly, the tungsten price. Anyone trying to sell tungsten is contending with Chinese prices which can yo-yo for reasons no one can entirely explain. That makes it fiendishly difficult to compete.
But in recent years, new investors have begun to put fresh funds into the Hemerdon mine, hoping history will not repeat itself and this time around it can exploit that enormous ore resource. And there are at least a couple of reasons to believe (famous last words in finance) that “this time might be different”.
The first is that, in retaliation against Donald Trump’s latest metal tariffs, China has begun to put export limits on tungsten. How this will work in practice remains unclear (remember that like most markets China controls, the way tungsten sales function is almost completely opaque) but if it encourages domestic buyers to look for local suppliers, that could help the mine to find buyers. After all, in theory, it could produce a few thousand tonnes of the metal each year, which would instantly leapfrog Britain to become the world’s second or third-biggest producer (albeit a long way down from China).
Supplies matter more than ever
The second big shift comes back to defence. With the world remilitarising, all of a sudden tungsten supplies matter more than ever. And since defence suppliers pay outsized attention to where metals come from, again, that might allow a British tungsten mine to succeed where predecessors have failed.
Add to this the fact that the mine itself is nearly ready to be exploited and that the new owners reckon they’ve ironed out the problems that beset their predecessors, and it’s a compelling case. They think they could be getting metal out of the ground as soon as next year.
But those overarching challenges haven’t gone away. And nor has another, bigger problem facing the entire industry, not just in the UK but – perhaps even more so – in the US. How can you plan in a world where you just don’t know what’s coming out of the White House in the next few days, let alone the next few years?
Consider: imagine you’re a stainless steel producer or an aluminium smelter in the US. Those 25% tariffs mean all of a sudden in theory you have a competitive advantage over anyone shipping metal into the country. All of a sudden, there’s a strong case to build a smelter or a stainless steel melting shop. So you get to work looking for backers.
Uncertainty creates challenges
But building a plant like this takes time. You need to find a site, connect it to high-voltage power, and build the facilities and all the necessary infrastructure. Best case scenario: it might take a couple of years, but even that is ambitious. And as you contemplate this and map out your plans, those backers will ask you the same nagging question you’ve been asking yourself: sure, the economics of an aluminium smelter might add up today; but what if the president changes his mind tomorrow, or next year? What if those tariffs are pulled by the next president? Then, all of a sudden, the sums very much don’t add up.
All of which is to say, uncertainty around tariffs is a challenge not just for those companies hoping to ship products to America, but for American firms hoping to benefit from this trade war. And bear in mind metals are only the first chapter of what could be a long saga, which ends up engulfing all corners of American trade. These are unpredictable times, however you look at it.
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UK
Feeble and inept – prison release fiasco is yet another political crisis
Published
4 hours agoon
November 6, 2025By
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The charitable view of the latest prison release blunder that has plunged the government into another political crisis is that it’s extremely bad luck rather than an act of incompetence by ministers.
But the more we learn about the shocking details of what happened and what looks like a cynical attempt at a cover-up by the hapless David Lammy, the more the blame can be laid at the government’s door.
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Critics of the justice secretary and deputy prime minister, standing in for Sir Keir Starmer at PMQs, claim this sorry episode reveals his pomposity, inability to think on his feet and a tendency to blame others for a fiasco.
And it’s not as if the accidental prison releases that have shocked the nation and outraged public opinion in recent weeks are the only fiascos on the government’s watch. For example:
The asylum seeker deported on the government’s one in, one out deal with France who then returned to the UK on a small boat across the Channel was another case of a policy that critics claim isn’t working.
The furore over the tax rises expected in Rachel Reeves’ budget can be attributed to what now looks like a strategic error in promising no rises in income, VAT or national insurance in Labour’s election manifesto.
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The chancellor’s failure to apply for a local authority licence to rent out her home in London’s leafy suburbs revealed a lack of judgment on her part, on top of her dodgy CV about her jobs before becoming an MP.
Angela Rayner’s careless approach to stamp duty requirements on her luxury beachfront flat that forced her resignation triggered a botched reshuffle that caused resentment among ministers and MPs.
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1:46
Lammy refuses to say if more prisoners mistakenly released
The appointment of Peter Mandelson as US ambassador – described by ministers as “a risk worth taking” – despite his links to paedophile Jeffrey Epstein, always looked like an accident waiting to happen.
The list goes on.
But Mr Lammy’s handling of the Wandsworth prison releases (another was revealed hours after PMQs) has been chaotic, shifty and made a bad situation worse. It couldn’t have come at a worse time, of course, when he was deputising at PMQs.
We now know that he was told about the release blunder overnight. His excuse for dodging James Cartlidge’s questions in PMQs about another release was that information was still emerging and the case was complicated.
Feeble! And inept.
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A tougher law and order minister in the mould of David Blunkett, John Reid, Michael Howard or – dare one say – his predecessor as justice secretary, Shabana Mahmood – would have demanded the full facts on his desk first thing in the morning.
Was Mr Lammy guilty of a deliberate cover-up or was he just incompetent, with no grip over his department and the increasingly accident-prone prison service? Either is bad and damaging for the government’s credibility.
We also know that the Conservatives found out about the mistaken release 15 minutes before PMQs. Tory stand-in Mr Cartlidge doggedly asked him no fewer than five times if there had been any more accidental releases.
Mr Lammy floundered and, in what was a very bad look, lost his temper. That was a bad mistake. His tactics backfired spectacularly.
When Mr Cartlidge rose at the end of PMQs and told MPs another prisoner had indeed been mistakenly released, Mr Lammy fled the chamber in indecent haste, ignoring the Speaker’s offer of a response.
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5:51
Analysis: Did Lammy walk into a trap?
It was, or course, Angela Rayner’s resignation over her stamp duty blunder that brought about Mr Lammy’s elevation to deputy prime minister. And that, of course, was a sop to compensate him for losing the Foreign Office brief.
His critics claim Mr Lammy was over-promoted when he was appointed shadow foreign secretary. But then he did co-chair Sir Keir’s 2020 leadership campaign. And, like the PM, he’s a barrister.
Elected MP for Tottenham in a by-election in 2000, he held a number of junior and middle-ranking ministerial posts under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown.
And in a humiliating appearance on TV’s Celebrity Mastermind in 2009, he said in one answer during a general knowledge round that Henry VII acceded the English throne after the death of Henry VIII.
But the minister now dubbed “Calamity Lammy” by his Tory opponent Robert Jenrick isn’t the only minister guilty of blunders. Top of that list must be the prime minister himself.
Sir Keir makes the appointments, controls policy from No 10, overrules ministers and – when it comes to the economy – is, after all, the First Lord of the Treasury.
Yes, some of the government’s political problems are down to bad luck. But not all, by any means.
To misquote Oscar Wilde, the most famous prisoner held in another prison, Reading Gaol: “To lose one prisoner may be regarded as a misfortune. To lose two looks like carelessness.”
UK
Maccabi boss hits out at ‘blatant falsehoods’ peddled about their fans – but admits work to do on racism
Published
4 hours agoon
November 6, 2025By
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The chief executive of Israeli football team Maccabi Tel Aviv has denounced “falsehoods” and hatred being spewed about their supporters, leading to them being banned from Aston Villa, while accepting there is work to do to eradicate racism in the fan base.
Jack Angelides told Sky News there is a need for “toning down the incitement” ahead of tomorrow’s Europa League match at Villa Park, which will see more than 700 police officers deployed with protests anticipated outside by Palestinian and Israeli groups.
Mr Angelides revealed the club has not been given a specific reason for Birmingham authorities banning their supporters – a decision which the government pushed to be overturned before Maccabi said they would reject any fan allocation granted in any case.
“We feared for the safety of our fans and it’s a huge responsibility,” Mr Angelides said in an interview at Villa Park.
“[With] a lot of incitement, we didn’t feel comfortable in taking that allocation and that’s a sad day in football because things like that shouldn’t happen.
“People have the right to freedom of speech, absolutely, but people don’t have the right to spew hatred.”
Birmingham’s Safety Advisory Group (SAG) announced last month that visiting fans will be barred from attending the game at Villa Park amid public safety concerns.
West Midlands Police also classified the Europa League match “high risk” and said the ban was necessary due to “current intelligence and previous incidents”.
That was a reference to Maccabi’s match at Ajax last November when their fans were attacked by locals, leading to five convictions.
No Maccabi fans were prosecuted. They were seen tearing down Palestinian flags and chanting anti-Arab abuse.
‘I’ve seen people coming up with all sorts of stories about our fans’ – Jack Angelides
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Mr Angelides said: “We have not been given a clear reason [for the ban], but I have seen people coming up with all sorts of stories of our fans, especially in Amsterdam, where there was, what the Amsterdam authorities themselves classified as ‘a Jew hunt’, being portrayed as organised fighters, soldiers, etc, etc.
“It’s just blatant falsehoods, and people who say those things know that they’re false and shame on them.”
Pro-Palestinian supporters protest ahead of Aston Villa’s UEFA Europa League match. Pic: Reuters
Mr Angelides believes the decision has been kept private to leave open for people to form a conclusion and characterise his club as racist.
Ayoub Khan, the independent pro-Gaza MP whose constituency covers Villa Park, called for the ban because the club has “hooligans who have a long history of violence and vile racism”.
“Any club that tries to suggest that they don’t have any issues, whatever that may be, it’s untrue,” Mr Angelides said.
“We know we’ve got a long road ahead. There are elements in the club that are not in line with our values, our morals, and we do expend a lot of energy and have been for many, many years in trying to… eradicate that.
“But to malign thousands and thousands of good fans with the actions of a few, it’s a dangerous game because I think that’s something that is not conducive to toning down the incitement that’s actually going on now. It’s manipulation to my mind.”
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Maccabi Tel Aviv FC ruled it wouldn’t sell fans any tickets
Football focus
Mr Angelides did not discuss whether there was fear among the players going into a potentially hostile environment.
“We have Jewish players; we have Christian players; we have Muslim players – we’re a club that’s quite diverse,” he said.
“There is an understandable excitement of playing. They’re aware, … the last two years have taken a toll on Israeli society because of what’s been going on. So they’re very aware of the situation, but I think they’re prepared to focus on their football.”
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UK
‘I’m desperately sorry’: Axel Rudakubana’s father accepts ‘share of the responsibility’ after Southport attack
Published
4 hours agoon
November 6, 2025By
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Axel Rudakubana’s father has said he is “desperately sorry” for failing to challenge his son’s violent behaviour over the years before the Southport attack.
Alphonse Rudakubana told a public inquiry he was “frightened” of his son, who once poured a bottle of oil over him and said: “Trust me, I will kill you.”
He said Axel’s behaviour deteriorated in a “short period of time” until he was expelled from the Range High School in Formby, Merseyside, in October 2019 after admitting to carrying knives.
Two months later, he returned to attack a pupil with a hockey stick, while armed with a knife and was arrested and made subject to a referral order, aged 13.
Tributes left near the scene of the attack. File pic: PA
Alphonse said his son would have “random” violent outbursts, attacking him up to twice a day, but he became “conditioned to his behaviour” and “allowed him to abuse and assault me”.
“I’m ashamed of my response,” he said, adding his fear “prevented him from doing things a parent would normally do”, such as restricting internet activity and ordering weapons online.
“This had catastrophic consequences for which I’m desperately sorry,” he said.
“I accept I bear my share of the responsibility and that by not challenging his behaviour he was allowed to acquire dangerous weapons and view inappropriate content online.”
He said he and his wife Laetitia Muzayire “couldn’t set boundaries, we couldn’t say anything because it would lead to outbursts, and he was effectively out of control”. He also said he feared his son would be taken away.
Three children were killed in the attack last year. Pic: PA
Axel was referred three times to the government’s anti-terror programme Prevent between 2019 and 2021 because of concerns over his fixation with violence, including school shootings.
The criminal investigation showed he had images of mutilated bodies, torture, cartoons mocking Islam, antisemitic material, Nazi mass graves and material demeaning to women and girls, on his devices.
His father told the inquiry he was not aware of the material but admitted: “I had lost control, I had no authority as a father.”
“I was reduced to somebody who feeds him, does all he asks,” he said, adding: “I had no power to stop him from accessing anything he wanted online.”
The inquiry heard Axel received a delivery of a machete in June 2023 but his father said he didn’t confront him “because he would fly into a rage”.
Flowers and tributes to the victims. File pic: PA
Knife packaging found in washing machine after Rudakubana left home
His brother Dion said Axel would order packages online with money he made through his genealogy business which he feared “had something bad in them”.
He told the inquiry the last time his brother left home alone before the Southport attack was when he was caught carrying a knife on a bus in March 2022, telling police he was “going out to stab someone to get rid of his social media accounts”.
Dion said it would have seemed “logical” to Axel, adding: “It wouldn’t have been anyone specific, just a random person.”
A week before the mass stabbing, armed with a knife, Axel booked a taxi to his old school and tried to get in, but was stopped by his father.
(L-R) Bebe King, Elsie Dot Stancombe and Alice da Silva Aguiar. Pic: Merseyside Police
Axel Rudakubana, was aged 17 when he murdered Elsie Dot Stancombe, seven, Bebe King, six, and Alice da Silva Aguiar, nine, in a knife attack on a Taylor Swift-themed dance class on 29 July last year.
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Eight other children, who cannot be identified because of their age, were also injured, along with yoga instructor Leanne Lucas, who was leading the dance class, and businessman John Hayes, who was one of the first people on the scene and tackled the killer.
Dion described the moment his brother left the family home that morning wearing a face mask and with the sleeves of his hoodie pulled down.
He told the inquiry how his mother showed him the knife packaging she found in the washing machine shortly after.
But his parents “didn’t seem alarmed” and his mother went back to bed so he took “comfort” from this and there was “no discussion about contacting the police”.
“We did not believe he intended to harm anyone” and thought if he was carrying a knife it was to “protect himself, not to harm others”, Dion said.
Asked about why Axel may have targeted the Taylor Swift-themed dance class, Dion suggested because “children are very valuable to society” and it would “hurt society very badly” if children were to be harmed.
The inquiry, which is being held at Liverpool Town Hall, continues on Thursday.
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