The utter crass political mishandling of yesterday’s botched partial winter fuel U-turn could have profound consequences for Sir Keir Starmer.
And now, whether bad things flow from his obtuse but significant comments in the Commons chamber yesterday will depend, among other things, on the vagaries of the global economy and the riptides of the trade union movement.
Here is why:
At the point of the autumn budget last year – when Rachel Reeves spent more than signalled in the election campaign, funded by borrowing more than the markets expected and raising taxes that weren’t foreshadowed in the manifesto – those whose livelihood depends on forecasting the response of the debt markets had one question.
They wanted to know: is that it? Is that the extent of the big spending splurges that the chancellor would perform?
Because, although there was a big unsignaled boost to spending, borrowing and taxing last November, the markets’ judgement was – more or less – that was fine provided she was able to hold the line at broadly this level of spending and borrowing and no more.
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Clad in her cast iron armour, Ms Reeves insisted that was it. A “once a parliament” budget, she said, meaning no more substantial tax hikes.
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1:07
Winter fuel payment U-turn approach in question
An upfront public spending boost, but then Tory levels of restraint in rises in the second half of the parliament. She would hold the line, she promised.
But the question still lingered: what would happen in a less benign political climate? The manifesto contained tough decisions, like the two-child spending cap which Labour MPs were required to endorse to stand and keep the whip.
Initially, actions like the suspension of the whip from the likes of John McDonnell for rebelling on spending signalled they were prepared to face down spending demands.
Yesterday’s botched partial U-turn has blown that narrative sky high.
No 10 and No 11 have crossed a rubicon. They have provided a precedent whereby they whip out the cheque book in the face of political pressure, even though we are years from a general election.
Not only did No 10 fold, but they evidently did so without any semblance of a plan of what they would actually do with winter fuel allowance or how much they would spend on mitigation, or how that would be funded.
Perhaps they had no plan because they too waited for the Institute for Fiscal Studies press release laying out the options. That’s how we work out what will probably happen – maybe that’s their trick too.
The Institute for Fiscal Studies has looked into the government’s options after Sir Keir Starmer said he is considering changes to the cut to winter fuel payment (WFP).
The government could make a complete u-turn on removing the payment from pensioners not claiming pension credit so they all receive it again.
There could be a higher eligibility threshold. Households not claiming pension credit could apply directly for the winter fuel payment, reporting their income and other circumstances.
Or, all pensioner households could claim it but those above a certain income level could do a self-assessment tax return to pay some of it back as a higher income tax charge. This could be like child benefit, where the repayment is based on the higher income member of the household.
Instead of reducing pension credit by £1 for every £1 of income, it could be withdrawn more slowly to entitle more households to it, and therefore WFP.
At the moment, WFP is paid to households but if it was paid to individuals the government could means-test each pensioner, rather than their household. This could be based on an individual’s income, which the government already records for tax purposes. Individuals who have a low income could get the payment, even if their spouse is high income. This would mean low income couples getting twice as much, whereas each eligible house currently gets the same.
Instead of just those receiving pension credit getting WFP, the government could extend it to pensioners who claim means-tested welfare for housing or council tax support. A total of 430,000 renting households would be eligible at a cost of about £100m a year.
Pensioners not on pension credit but receiving disability credits could get WFP, extending eligibility to 1.8m households in England and Scotland at a cost of about £500m a year.
Pensioners living in a band A-C property could be automatically entitled to WFP, affected just over half (6.3m).
Now look at this morning’s Guardian. The excellent Pippa Crerar, the political editor wronged by a Number 10 denial of her winter fuel climbdown story last week, reports more welfare climbdowns on the card, including potentially a change or removal of the two-child cap. Others have said the same to me.
I make no moral judgment about the two-child cap, that’s not my job. Many Labour MPs find it abhorrent. But it performed a vital function in the manifesto: it was a signal to the markets that Labour can take and stick to the difficult fiscal decisions that the current state of the public finances demands.
The two-child cap was Ms Reeves’s pre-nuptial agreement with the buyers of UK government debt. She breaks that as a result of political pressure at her peril.
She may claim better economic news in recent days gives her wiggle room – today’s borrowing figures and the sheer level of global uncertainty (what would Israel bombing Iran do to petrol prices, for instance) suggest caution might be a worthwhile path.
Image: Rachel Reeves resisted calls to lift the two-child benefit cap
Just this morning, Bloomberg is warning long-term bond yields are going up all over the world, including the UK.
The question now is where does the spine crumbling end?
Who knows now how much this government will recoil when there’s the next rebellion. Or when the unions up the pressure, as they surely will at some point before the next election.
Take just one example. Today, public sector pay awards have been flopping into our inboxes. GMB Union has begun balloting NHS and ambulance workers in England on this year’s 3.6% pay award.
How much will ministers be prepared to pay in the next 18 months to stop strikes breaking out?
We just don’t know. And more importantly, we don’t get a sense Ms Reeves does either.
After yesterday, levels of certainty about the course of government decision-making took a hit.
Will they end up being punished by the markets for this? Some believe they could. It seems we must return to watching the cost of government debt for the rest of this parliament.
The SEC has just issued its second “no-action letter” toward a decentralized physical infrastructure network (DePIN) crypto project in recent months, giving its native token “regulatory cover” from enforcement.
The no-action letter was sent to the Solana DePIN project Fuse, which issues a network token, FUSE, as a reward to those actively maintaining the network.
Fuse initially submitted a letter to the SEC’s Division of Corporation Finance on Nov. 19, asking for official confirmation that it would not recommend the SEC take enforcement action if the project continues to offer and sell FUSE tokens.
Fuse also outlined in its letter that FUSE is designed for network utility and consumptive purposes, not for speculation. They can only be redeemed for an average market price via third parties.
“Based on the facts presented, the Division will not recommend enforcement action to the Commission if, in reliance on your opinion as counsel, Fuse offers and sells the Tokens in the manner and under the circumstances described in your letter,” the Division of Corporation Finance’s deputy chief counsel, Jonathan Ingram, wrote on Monday.
SEC’s no-action letter to Fuse Crypto. Source: SEC
The latest SEC no-action letter comes just a few months after the SEC issued a similar “highly coveted” letter to Double Zero, which was seen as a result of a new, more crypto-friendly leadership at the SEC.
At the time, DoubleZero co-founder Austin Federa said such letters are common in TradFi but are “very rare” in the crypto space.
“It was a months long process, but we found the SEC to be quite receptive, we found them to be quite professional, quite diligent, there was no crypto animosity.”
The SEC was put under new leadership in April, after Paul Atkins was sworn in as the 34th chairman, and the agency has since been seen taking a more balanced approach to crypto. As part of the leadership, crypto-friendly Hester Peirce also heads up the agency’s crypto task force.
SEC no-action letters are a form of regulatory clarity
Adding to the discussion on X, Rebecca Rettig, a legal representative of Solana MEV infrastructure platform Jito Labs, said that no-action letters are sought after by many crypto projects.
“Why do crypto teams want them? ‘Regulatory clarity.’ If you’re planning to issue a token, a NAL provides reasonable assurance you won’t face immediate enforcement for violations of securities laws. It’s a kind of ‘regulatory cover,’” she wrote.
SEC giving a pass to Fuse wasn’t unexpected: Crypto lawyer
The no-action letter doesn’t necessarily set any new precedents, however.
Commenting on the subject via X on Monday, Consensys lawyer Bill Hughes said this was “an easy case,” given the nature of Fuse’s token.
“The take away is that there is not a lawyer in crypto that would have thought this token was a security. And maybe not even any lawyer who is merely familiar with Howey,” Hughes said.
The same month that Double Zero secured its no-action letter, the SEC also issued a similar no-action letter for crypto-custodians that don’t qualify as banks.
While they still have to meet strict conditions, the no-action letter provides clear guidelines for acceptable ways for these types of firms to operate and deal with crypto, something which the industry has been begging for over the past few years.
This is going to be a big budget – not to mention a complex budget.
It could, depending on how it lands, determine the fate of this government. And it’s hard to think of many other budgets that have been preceded by quite so much speculation, briefing, and rumour.
All of which is to say, you could be forgiven for feeling rather overwhelmed.
But in practice, what’s happening this week can really be boiled down to three things.
1. Not enough growth
The first is that the economy is not growing as fast as many people had hoped. Or, to put it another way, Britain’s productivity growth is much weaker than it once used to be.
The upshot of that is that there’s less money flowing into the exchequer in the form of tax revenues.
2. Not enough cuts
The second factor is that last year and this, the chancellor promised to make certain cuts to welfare – cuts that would have saved the government billions of pounds of spending a year.
But it has failed to implement those cuts. Put those extra billions together with the shortfall from that weaker productivity, and it’s pretty clear there is a looming hole in the public finances.
3. Not enough levers
The third thing to bear in mind is that Rachel Reeves has pledged to tie her hands in the way she responds to this fiscal hole.
She has fiscal rules that mean she can’t ignore it. She has a manifesto pledge which means she is somewhat limited in the levers she can pull to fill it.
Put it all together, and it adds up to a momentous headache for the chancellor. She needs to raise quite a lot of money and all the “easy” ways of doing it (like raising income tax rates or VAT) seem to be off the table.
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4:24
The Budget Explained – in 60 seconds
So… what will she do?
Quite how she responds remains to be seen – as does the precise size of the fiscal hole. But if the rumours in Westminster are to be believed, she will fall back upon two tricks most of her predecessors have tried at various points.
First, she will deploy “fiscal drag” to squeeze extra income tax and national insurance payments out of families for the coming five years.
What this means in practice is that even though the headline rate of income tax might not go up, the amount of income we end up being taxed on will grow ever higher in the coming years.
Second, the chancellor is expected to squeeze government spending in the distant years for which she doesn’t yet need to provide detailed plans.
Together, these measures may raise somewhere in the region of £10bn. But Reeves’s big problem is that in practice she needs to raise two or three times this amount. So, how will she do that?
Most likely is that she implements a grab-bag of other tax measures: more expensive council tax for high value properties; new CGT rules; new gambling taxes and more.
No return to austerity, but an Osborne-like predicament…
If this summons up a particular memory from history, it’s precisely the same problem George Osborne faced back in 2012. He wanted to raise quite a lot of money but due to agreements with his coalition partners, he was limited in how many big taxes he could raise.
The resulting budget was, at the time at least, the single most complex budget in history. Consider: in the years between 1970 and 2010 the average UK budget contained 14 tax measures. Osborne’s 2012 budget contained a whopping 61 of them.
And not long after he delivered it, the budget started to unravel. You probably recall the pasty tax, and maybe the granny tax and the charity tax. Essentially, he was forced into a series of embarrassing U-turns. If there was a lesson, it was that trying to wodge so many money-raising measures into a single fiscal event was an accident waiting to happen.
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2:34
Can the budget fix economic woes?
Except that… here’s the interesting thing. In the following years, the complexity of budgets didn’t fall – it rose. Osborne broke his own complexity record the next year with the 2013 budget (73 tax measures), and then again in 2016 (86 measures). By 2020 the budget contained a staggering 103 measures. And Reeves’s own first budget, last autumn, very nearly broke this record with 94 measures.
In short, budgets have become more and more complex, chock-full of even more (often microscopic) tax measures.
In part, this is a consequence of the fact that, long ago, chancellors seem to have agreed that it would be political suicide to raise the basic rate of income tax or VAT. The consequence is that they have been forced to resort to ever smaller and fiddlier measures to make their numbers add up.
The question is whether this pattern continues this week. Do we end up with yet another astoundingly complex budget? Will that slew of measures backfire as they did for Osborne in 2012? And, more to the point, will they actually benefit the UK economy?
A defiant Rachel Reeves has urged Labour MPs to unite behind this week’s budget – but appeared to admit they might not like all of her policies.
Addressing the Parliamentary Labour Party last night, the chancellor described politics as a “team sport” and insisted that tomorrow’s announcements will be “fair”.
Backbenchers are said to have become increasingly frustrated at the prospect of further tax hikes, which come against a backdrop of falling opinion poll ratings.
Ms Reeves argued the budget should be regarded as a package – and not a “pick ‘n’ mix” where MPs “like the cola bottles but not the fruit salad”.
She added that her three top priorities were to cut the cost of living, reduce NHS waiting lists and slash the cost of servicing debt – with £1 in every £10 now spent on interest.
Newspaper reports suggest there were cheers in the room when Ms Reeves vowed to stay in Number 11 and withstand criticism about her handling of the economy.
She was quoted as saying: “I’ll show the media, I’ll show the Tories, I will not let them beat me, I’ll be there on Wednesday, I’ll be there next year, and I’ll be back the year after that.”
The chancellor suggested Labour MPs will be happy with 95% of the budget’s contents, but hinted there are difficult political decisions yet to be announced.
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2:33
Is growth downgrade a problem for Reeves?
Setback for Reeves as growth forecasts cut
Yesterday, Sky News revealed that the Office for Budget Responsibility’s growth forecasts are going to be downgraded every year until the current parliament ends in 2029.
But he added: “However you cut it, whatever the reasoning, once again, last year, growth will be lower after this budget than before, which is not a great position for a government that had claimed growth as their top priority.”
In some better news for the government, Ms Reeves is expected to announce that she has more headroom than first thought – meaning ministers will be able to claim that the country is no longer in an “economic doom loop”.
“That might well be one of the positive surprises when we actually get to Wednesday’s budget,” Coates added on the Politics At Sam and Anne’s podcast.
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1:18
Employment Rights Bill is ‘anti-growth blueprint’
‘I think she’s doing a terrible job’
Meanwhile, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch has accused the government of stymying growth and pursuing “job-killing measures”.
She told Sky News that she thinks Ms Reeves is “doing a terrible job” as chancellor – and warned Labour should pay close attention to public perception of the budget.
“A lot of people out there in the country, men and women, thinks that she needs to cut tax, and if she raises it, then she should go,” Ms Badenoch added.
At the CBI conference in London yesterday, the Opposition leader urged the government to scrap the Employment Rights Bill – describing it as an “assault on flexible working” that would empower trade unions and drag the UK back to the 1970s.
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1:02
How do business leaders feel before budget?
Ms Badenoch said: “Killing it would be a signal to the world that Britain still understands what makes an economy grow.
“If the chancellor had any sense, and any regard for business, she would use the budget to say ‘we got this one wrong’ and drop it.”
This Employment Rights Bill includes measures that would ban zero hours contracts, but Ms Badenoch has argued that this would amount to a “de facto ban” on seasonal and flexible work.
The CBI conference marks a difficult anniversary for the government – with attention turning to the speech Ms Reeves gave there a year ago.
Having already delivered her first budget, she had told businesses that she was “not coming back with more borrowing or more taxes” – a statement that flies in the face of what the chancellor is expected to unveil tomorrow.
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2:34
Can the budget fix economic woes?
Greens call for wealth tax
In other developments, the Green Party has called on the government to introduce a 1% tax on wealth over £10m – rising to 2% over £1bn. Its estimates suggest this measure could help potentially raise £15bn a year in revenues.
Zack Polanski also wants the rates of capital gains tax, which is currently one of the lowest among G7 nations, to be raised in line with income tax.
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3:35
Sky News goes inside the room where the budget happens
Announcements have been gradually trickling through ahead of the budget tomorrow, with the chancellor widely expected to freeze income tax thresholds once again.
Over the weekend, it was confirmed that rail fares in England will be frozen for the first time since the 1990s – meaning some commuters will save hundreds of pounds on season tickets.