The EU’s new Markets in Crypto-Assets regulation, better known as MiCA, is the first major attempt by a global economic power to create clear, region-wide rules for the crypto space, and stablecoins are a big focus.
MiCA mandates best practices. If a stablecoin is going to be traded in the EU, its issuer has to follow some stringent rules:
1. You need a license
To issue a stablecoin in Europe, you must become a fully authorized electronic money institution (EMI). That’s the same kind of license traditional fintechs need to offer e-wallets or prepaid cards. It’s not cheap and it’s not quick.
2. Most of your reserves have to sit in European banks
This is one of the most controversial parts of MiCA. If you issue a “significant” stablecoin — and Tether’s USDT certainly qualifies — at least 60% of your reserves must be held in EU-based banks. The logic is to keep the financial system safe.
3. Full transparency is non-negotiable
MiCA requires detailed, regular disclosures. Issuers have to publish a white paper and provide updates on their reserves, audits and operational changes. This level of reporting is new territory for some stablecoins, especially those that have historically avoided public scrutiny.
4. Non-compliant coins are getting delisted
If a token doesn’t comply, it won’t be tradable on regulated EU platforms. Binance, for example, has delisted USDT trading pairs for users in the European Economic Area (EEA). Other exchanges are following suit.
In other words, you might still have USDT in your wallet, but good luck trying to swap it on a regulated platform.
Key reasons why Tether rejects MiCA regulations
Tether is unique in that it has explained why it wants nothing to do with MiCA regulations. The company’s leadership, especially CEO Paolo Ardoino, has been pretty vocal about what they see as serious flaws in the regulation, from financial risks to privacy concerns to the bigger picture of who stablecoins are really for.
1. The banking rule could backfire
One of MiCA’s most talked-about rules says that “significant” stablecoins — like Tether’s USDt (USDT) — must keep at least 60% of their reserves in European banks. The idea is to make stablecoins safer and more transparent. But Ardoino sees it differently.
He’s warned that this could create new problems, forcing stablecoin issuers to rely so heavily on traditional banks could make the whole system more fragile.
After all, if there’s a wave of redemptions and those banks don’t have enough liquidity to keep up, we’d witness a struggling bank and a stablecoin crisis simultaneously.
Instead, Tether prefers to keep most of its reserves in US Treasurys, assets it says are liquid, low-risk and much easier to redeem quickly if needed.
2. They don’t trust the digital euro
Tether also has a broader issue with the direction Europe is heading, especially regarding a digital euro. Ardoino has openly criticized it, raising alarms about privacy.
He has argued that a centrally controlled digital currency could be used to track how people spend their money, and even control or restrict transactions if someone falls out of favor with the system.
Privacy advocates have echoed similar concerns. While the European Central Bank insists that privacy is a top priority (with features like offline payments), Tether isn’t convinced. In their eyes, putting that much financial power in the hands of one institution is asking for trouble.
3. Tether’s users aren’t in Brussels. They’re in Brazil, Turkey and Nigeria
At the heart of it, Tether sees itself as a lifeline for people in countries dealing with inflation, unstable banking systems and limited access to dollars.
These are places like Turkey, Argentina and Nigeria, where USDT is often more useful than the local currency.
MiCA, with all its licensing hoops and reserve mandates, would require Tether to shift focus and invest heavily in meeting EU-specific standards. That’s something the company says it’s not willing to do, not at the expense of the markets it sees as most in need of financial tools like USDT.
Did you know? Turkey ranks among the top countries for cryptocurrency adoption, with 16% of its population engaged in crypto activities. This high adoption rate is largely driven by the devaluation of the Turkish lira and economic instability, prompting citizens to seek alternatives like stablecoins to preserve their purchasing power.
What happens when Tether doesn’t comply with MiCA
Tether’s decision to skip MiCA didn’t exactly fly under the radar. It’s already having real consequences, especially for exchanges and users in Europe.
Exchanges are dropping USDT
Big names like Binance and Kraken didn’t wait around. To stay on the right side of EU regulators, they’ve already delisted USDT trading pairs for users in the European Economic Area. Binance had removed them by the end of March 2025. Kraken followed close behind, removing not just USDT but also other non-compliant stablecoins like EURT and PayPal’s PYUSD.
Users are left with fewer options
If you’re in Europe and holding USDT, you’re not totally out of luck; you can still withdraw or swap it on certain platforms. But you won’t be trading it on major exchanges anymore. That’s already pushing users toward alternatives like USDC and EURC, which are fully MiCA-compliant and widely supported.
Even major crypto payment processors are pulling support, leaving users with fewer options for spending their crypto directly.
A hit to liquidity? Probably.
Pulling USDT from European exchanges could make the markets a bit shakier. Less liquidity, wider spreads and more volatility during big price moves are all on the table. Some traders will adjust quickly. Others? Not so much.
Did you know? Tether (USDT) is the most traded cryptocurrency globally, surpassing even Bitcoin in daily volume. In 2024, it facilitated over $20.6 trillion in transactions and boasts a user base exceeding 400 million worldwide.
Tether vs MiCA regulation
Tether may be out of sync with the EU, but it’s far from retreating. If anything, the company is doubling down elsewhere, looking for friendlier ground and broader horizons.
Firstly, Tether’s picked El Salvador as its new base, a country that has fully embraced crypto. After getting a digital asset service provider license, the company is setting up a real headquarters there. Ardoino and other top execs are making the move too.
Moreover, after banking over $5 billion in profits in early 2024, Tether is putting its capital to work:
AI: Through its venture arm, Tether Evo, the company has picked up stakes in firms like Northern Data Group and Blackrock Neurotech. Tether has also launched Tether AI, an open-source, decentralized AI platform designed to operate on any device without centralized servers or API keys. The goal is to use AI to boost operations and maybe build some new tools along the way.
Infrastructure and AgTech: Tether invested in Adecoagro, a company focused on sustainable farming and renewable energy. It’s a surprising move, but it fits Tether’s bigger strategy of backing real-world, resilient systems.
Media and beyond: There are also signs Tether wants a footprint in content and communications, signaling it’s thinking far beyond crypto alone.
Tether’s MiCA exit highlights crypto’s global regulatory chaos
Tether walking away from MiCA is a snapshot of a much bigger issue in crypto: How hard it is to build a business in a world where every jurisdiction plays by its own rulebook.
The classic game of regulatory arbitrage
This isn’t Tether’s first rodeo when it comes to navigating regulations. Like many crypto companies, they’ve mastered the art of regulatory arbitrage, finding the friendliest jurisdiction and setting up shop there.
Europe brings in strict rules? Fine, Tether sets up in El Salvador, where crypto is welcomed with open arms.
However, it does raise questions. If big players can simply move jurisdictions to dodge regulations, how effective are those rules in the first place? And does that leave retail users protected or just further confused?
A crypto world that’s all over the map
The bigger issue is that the global regulatory landscape is incredibly fragmented. Europe wants full compliance, transparency and reserve mandates. The US is still sending mixed signals. Asia is split; Hong Kong is pro-crypto, while China stays cold.
For companies, it’s a mess. You can’t build for one global market; you must constantly adapt, restructure or pull out entirely. For users, it creates massive gaps in access. A coin available in one country might be inaccessible in another just because of local policy.
As a final thought: Tether’s resistance to MiCA seems to be more than just a protest against red tape.
It’s making a bet that crypto’s future will be shaped outside Brussels, not inside it.
Indonesia’s Financial Services Authority (OJK) has published a whitelist of 29 licensed crypto platforms, officially spelling out which exchanges are legally allowed to operate in the country.
The list, which includes names of entities and their apps or platforms, is meant to serve as an official reference for users to verify whether a provider is properly licensed before trading.
OJK has urged the public to transact only with entities on the list and to treat unlisted platforms as unlicensed operators.
South Korea’s largest exchange, Upbit, is included among licensed exchanges. Source: OJK
Global crypto players eyeing Indonesia
The clarification of who can legally offer crypto services lands as global players move to lock in Indonesian footholds.
Robinhood signed deals earlier this month to acquire Indonesian brokerage Buana Capital and licensed digital asset trader PT Pedagang Aset Kripto, a move that gives it entry to a market with more than 19 million capital‑market investors and about 17 million crypto traders.
Hong Kong–based OSL Groupcompleted its acquisition of licensed local exchange Koinsayang in September, securing regulatory approval to offer spot and derivatives trading.
The whitelist follows OJK Regulation No. 23/2025, which tightens oversight of digital financial assets, including crypto and related derivatives. The rule bars exchanges from facilitating trades in assets that are not registered or approved by a licensed digital asset exchange, and it introduces a framework for digital asset derivatives that requires prior OJK approval at the exchange level.
Platforms must implement margin mechanisms via segregated funds or digital assets, and consumers have to pass a knowledge test before accessing derivatives. These are measures the regulator said were designed to align with international supervisory standards and strengthen investor protection.
Indonesia’s tightening grip on licensing comes as the country cements its place as a major crypto market. Robinhood and industry data providers describe Indonesia as one of Southeast Asia’s fastest‑growing crypto economies, with tens of millions of investors across capital markets and digital assets.
Chainalysis’ 2025 Global Crypto Adoption Index places Indonesia in the global top 10 for crypto adoption and notes that the country has been among the most dynamic markets worldwide, highlighting its growing presence in global digital asset activity.
But around the Belgrave Circle, something different was going on.
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Because this is the spot where Leicester‘s three parliamentary constituencies meet, and in 2015 they were all held by Labour MPs who saw their majorities increase.
It’s a different story now.
Stand in the middle of the roundabout and face towards Abbey Park and you’ll see the city’s only remaining Labour seat – that of cabinet minister Liz Kendall.
Image: Liz Kendall (left) and Jonathan Ashworth’s (right) constituencies used to meet at Belgrave Circle roundabout until Ashworth lost his seat. Pic: AP
Turn around and face the B&M Home Store, and you’ll find the only place the Conservatives picked up at the last election.
This freak occurrence happened after the Labour vote was split by two independent candidates – both of whom also happened to be former MPs for the city.
Labour saw its vote share cut in half here, and then some.
The Tory vote dropped as well, but not by enough to stop the party coming through the middle and taking the seat by four thousand votes.
But walk to the south of this roundabout and you’ll get to where an independent candidate went one step further.
Local optician Shockat Adam won this seat last year, defeating frontbencher Jonathan Ashworth in a campaign focused mainly on Gaza and events in the Middle East.
Image: Labour have begun painting themselves as the “bulwark” to Nigel Farage. Pic: PA
What happened on this roundabout last July is no one-off. There’s plenty of evidence to suggest these phenomena could be on the rise around the country.
Since the election, Labour’s vote share has plunged, and its base has fractured as support for insurgent parties on the right and left surges.
A lot of the focus from this has been on Reform UK and how Labour can stop Nigel Farage in traditional ‘red wall’ seats in the midlands and the north.
And yes, Labour is leaking support to Reform on the right. But what’s often not talked about is the greater number of votes its losing on the left.
Image: If the Greens do well, it could split the left wing vote, clearing the way for another party to win in a roundabout way
A rejuvenated Green Party under Zack Polanski is chasing Labour close in some polls, while Your Party is attempting to form a separate fighting force straddling ex-Corbynites, independent pro-Gaza candidates and those from the more hard-left tradition.
Come the next election, this could all have far-reaching consequences.
Sky News has ranked all 404 Labour seats according to how at risk they are to these new forces on the left. We created this ‘vulnerability index’ using factors like voting history, population and demographic data.
It shows several cabinet ministers in the top 25 most vulnerable, including Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood in fourth place, Sir Keir Starmer in thirteenth place and Deputy Prime Minister David Lammy in twenty-third place.
All three of these Labour big beasts have seen their majorities cut in the last election by a Green candidate, an independent candidate or a mix of the two.
In Birmingham Ladywood, the total number of votes won by independent and green candidates exceed the number won by the Home Secretary.
That could trigger trouble, given the Greens and Your Party have indicated they may be open to the idea of local “progressive pacts”.
But in the neighbouring constituency of Birmingham Hodge Hill and Solihull North, the result last year shows how an altogether different result could materialise.
Here, Labour’s vote was again split by a left-wing insurgent candidate – this time from George Galloway’s Workers Party.
But the conservative vote was also cut in half by Reform.
If Nigel Farage can unite the right in places like this, he could come through the middle – in much the same way the Tories did in Leicester.
Image: Keir Starmer’s constituency ranks thirteenth on Sky’s vunerability index. David Lammy’s is twenty third.
So how can the government fight back?
Part of the answer, according to senior figures, is attempting to tell a more appealing story about the more overly left-wing chunks of their policy platform – such as the workers rights reforms and rental overhaul.
The hope is these stories may be given more of a hearing in 2026 when (or perhaps more accurately, if) a corner starts to be turned on big domestic priorities like the economy, the NHS and migration.
If that doesn’t happen, the real saving grace for Labour could be tactical voting.
The Greens and Your Party have made it clear that they will plough on with their campaigns against the government, even if it ultimately benefits Reform.
Image: If Kemi Badenoch and Nigel Farage split the right wing vote, it may allow Labour, the Liberal Democrats, or another party to come through the middle
What’s less clear is whether left-wingers across the country will.
If they are faced with the prospect of Nigel Farage in Downing Street, could they hold their nose and stick with Labour?
It all begs the question – who is their great enemy: the government or Reform?
Ministers are already trying to emphasise a binary choice when they talk about Labour being the one single “bulwark” to Nigel Farage.
Expect more attempts to mobilise this anti-Reform vote in the years ahead.
But that’s made more difficult by what happened around Leicester’s Belgrave Circle. The same political fracturing that’s dogged the right in years past now being replicated on the left.
Labour’s ability to pick up the electoral pieces may prove decisive in whether what took place on a shabby East Midlands roundabout in July 2024 is recreated across the country in a few years’ time.
A group of 18 bipartisan US House lawmakers is pushing the country’s tax agency to review its rules on crypto staking taxes before the start of 2026.
In a letter sent to Internal Revenue Service acting commissioner Scott Bessent on Friday, the lawmakers, led by Republican Mike Carey, asked for a review and update guidance on “burdensome” crypto staking tax laws.
“This letter is simply requesting fair tax treatment for digital assets and ending the double taxation of staking rewards is a big step in the right direction,” Carey said.
The letter calls for taxes from staking rewards to be applied at the time of sale, so that “stakers are taxed based on a correct statement of their actual economic gain.”
Mike Carey is leading lawmakers to change crypto staking tax rules. Source: Mike Carey
The lawmakers argued that the current laws, which see stakers taxed upon receiving rewards and again when selling them, are hindering participation in the staking market, when the laws should be designed to support a fundamental part of certain blockchains.
“Millions of Americans own tokens on these networks. Network security — and American leadership — requires those taxpayers to stake those tokens, but today the administrative burden and prospect of over taxation discourages that participation,” the lawmakers wrote.
The letter concludes by asking if there are any administrative barriers to updating the guidance before the end of the year, and asserts that they should be changed to support the current administration’s goal of “strengthening US leadership in digital asset innovation.”
Not the only push for changes to crypto tax rules
On Saturday, House representatives Max Miller and Steven Horsford also introduced a discussion draft aiming to ease the tax obligations on crypto users by exempting small stablecoin transactions from capital gains taxes and offering a deferral option for staking and mining rewards.
In terms of staking, the reps went a slightly different route by opting for a referral option as opposed to a complete change in the current laws.
The proposal outlines that taxpayers would be allowed to elect to defer income recognition on staking or mining rewards for up to five years, rather than being taxed immediately after receiving them.