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At the weekend, Downing Street said recognition of Palestine was “a matter of when, not if”.

So why now?

“We will recognise the state of Palestine in September before the United Nations General Assembly”, Sir Keir Starmer announced on Tuesday, in what looks like another U-turn.

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Was it pressure from the more than 250 MPs, most of whom are Labour, who wrote to the prime minister last week calling for recognition? Almost certainly.

The PM has a lot of form now for bowing to pressure from Labour MPs poised to rebel against government policy.

The demand to the PM in the letter orchestrated by Labour MP Sarah Champion, who chairs the all-party international development select committee, was for the government to recognise Palestine at the United Nations conference on the Middle East currently taking place in New York.

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Foreign Secretary David Lammy was cheered and applauded when he repeated the pledge made by Sir Keir in a near-empty room in Downing Street to TV cameras and just two journalists.

But there are conditions. And the early response from the Israelis was not encouraging.

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First, the PM said, “end the appalling situation in Gaza“, then “a ceasefire, no annexation in the West Bank and a long-term peace process that delivers a two-state solution”.

Good luck, as they say, with that.

If the shift in the PM’s position wasn’t the result of pressure from MPs, was it a potential mutiny inside the cabinet?

It followed a lengthy cabinet meeting after ministers were dragged from their sun beds and allowed to dial in remotely rather than turn up at 10 Downing Street in person.

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It was reported before the meeting that seven cabinet ministers, including big hitters Mr Lammy and the Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner, backed recognising Palestine.

So yes, the PM could see that the way cabinet ministers were moving and holding out against recognition was becoming unsustainable.

Was it the result of pressure from President Macron. That was certainly a major factor too. After “le bromance” during the president’s state visit, the two leaders spoke at length at the weekend.

Asked what difference recognising Palestine would make in practice, Sir Keir said the aim was that it would help improve conditions on the ground in Gaza.

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Ahead of his statement, the PM briefed Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the King of Jordan, whose country is spearheading the air drops of aid into Gaza. More phone calls with world leaders are planned in the coming hours.

Sir Keir wouldn’t answer a question about what assurances he’d received from President Trump during their talks in Scotland about using his influence with the Israeli PM to allow aid into Gaza.

That is the most urgent priority, as the PM acknowledged. And since President Trump, speaking about the horrible TV pictures from Gaza, memorably said “you can’t fake that” and “every ounce of food” should be allowed in, it seems he did indeed listen to Sir Keir’s pleas in Scotland.

So even if he has indeed bowed to pressure from MPs and cabinet ministers, Sir Keir has achieved a significant breakthrough in the past 48 hours or so.

He won’t please everyone, obviously, but no politician ever did in the Middle East.

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What’s behind Starmer’s reset?

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What's behind Starmer's reset?

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As MPs return to Westminster for a packed autumn term, will the prime minister be back with a bang?

Sky News’ Sam Coates and Politico’s Anne McElvoy discuss Keir Starmer’s priorities as the so-called “reset week” begins.

There’s chatter around No 10 of a staffing restructure but could this impact the government’s message and delivery of its missions?

Back in the Commons, the home secretary will lay out the government’s plans to restrict family members from joining asylum seekers.

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What to expect with US crypto policy as Congress comes back in session

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What to expect with US crypto policy as Congress comes back in session

What to expect with US crypto policy as Congress comes back in session

According to some Republican lawmakers, the first crypto-related priority in the Senate will be to pass legislation for market structure.

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Sir Keir Starmer’s ‘Mr Fixit’ is likely to be a recipe for conflict

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Sir Keir Starmer's 'Mr Fixit' is likely to be a recipe for conflict

After a torrid time before the summer break, Sir Keir Starmer has reshuffled his inner circle again on the first day back. 

This has become something of a habit.

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Although none of the Number 10 team are household names or public figures, the tally of those cycling through the top jobs is worth noting.

As of now, he’s had four chiefs of staff – the incumbent returning to the job, two cabinet secretaries with a third rumoured to be on the way and five directors of communications – a job that routinely fails to last a year these days.

The lesson this tells us is that when there’s blame to go around, Sir Keir is happy to apportion it to his closest aides.

In an interview today, the prime minister was clear that these changes are about moving to a new phase of government, more focused on delivery.

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A delivery phase implies legislation completed and a focus on implementation. Bluntly, this is not the case or an accurate assessment of the job that now needs to be done.

The autumn term is not about implementation.

It’s about filling the £20bn to £40bn black hole we expect to emerge in the autumn budget, as well as continuing to deal with an uncertain world globally, and deciding on massively tricky domestic issues like reform of special educational needs and whether to revisit welfare reform.

We are still at the “big choices” section of this parliament, not the delivery phase.

The big choice in Sir Keir’s reset on Monday has been to bring in his own Mr Fixit into Downing Street.

He chose a mid-level cabinet minister, Darren Jones – until today the number two in the Treasury – and has parachuted him into his office to oversee policy.

This is an appointment, I’m told, that was pushed and encouraged by Rachel Reeves because of Mr Jones’ role in the spending review.

As chief secretary, Mr Jones is meant to have gone item by item through every department’s budget. He knows where the financial bodies are buried and will be a major alternate source of advice for Sir Keir to individual cabinet ministers.

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This is undoubtedly a recipe for conflict. There are already some around the cabinet table who found Mr Jones’ style a touch brusque. His fans say this is part of why he is effective: he is prepared to challenge what he’s told, is an independent thinker and unafraid to challenge big beasts.

He will now play this role permanently, on behalf of the prime minister, and structurally, this means he is bound to be disliked by several of these colleagues who will no doubt, in time, seek to undermine him, just as he will challenge them and have the last word with Sir Keir.

No matter that some might be surprised at the choice, as a fiscal and reforming hawk, since few would put him on the same ideological wing of the party as the prime minister. He is also a late joiner to the Starmer project, although joining in opposition spent years longer than some as chair of the business select committee rather than taking more junior roles.

This is now immaterial. He is responsible for making Sir Keir’s government work in practice. His colleagues could do worse than to sincerely wish him good luck and leave him to it, as there is a great deal to be done.

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