After a torrid time before the summer break, Sir Keir Starmer has reshuffled his inner circle again on the first day back. 

This has become something of a habit.

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Although none of the Number 10 team are household names or public figures, the tally of those cycling through the top jobs is worth noting.

As of now, he’s had four chiefs of staff – the incumbent returning to the job, two cabinet secretaries with a third rumoured to be on the way and five directors of communications – a job that routinely fails to last a year these days.

The lesson this tells us is that when there’s blame to go around, Sir Keir is happy to apportion it to his closest aides.

In an interview today, the prime minister was clear that these changes are about moving to a new phase of government, more focused on delivery.

A delivery phase implies legislation completed and a focus on implementation. Bluntly, this is not the case or an accurate assessment of the job that now needs to be done.

The autumn term is not about implementation.

It’s about filling the £20bn to £40bn black hole we expect to emerge in the autumn budget, as well as continuing to deal with an uncertain world globally, and deciding on massively tricky domestic issues like reform of special educational needs and whether to revisit welfare reform.

We are still at the “big choices” section of this parliament, not the delivery phase.

The big choice in Sir Keir’s reset on Monday has been to bring in his own Mr Fixit into Downing Street.

He chose a mid-level cabinet minister, Darren Jones – until today the number two in the Treasury – and has parachuted him into his office to oversee policy.

This is an appointment, I’m told, that was pushed and encouraged by Rachel Reeves because of Mr Jones’ role in the spending review.

As chief secretary, Mr Jones is meant to have gone item by item through every department’s budget. He knows where the financial bodies are buried and will be a major alternate source of advice for Sir Keir to individual cabinet ministers.

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This is undoubtedly a recipe for conflict. There are already some around the cabinet table who found Mr Jones’ style a touch brusque. His fans say this is part of why he is effective: he is prepared to challenge what he’s told, is an independent thinker and unafraid to challenge big beasts.

He will now play this role permanently, on behalf of the prime minister, and structurally, this means he is bound to be disliked by several of these colleagues who will no doubt, in time, seek to undermine him, just as he will challenge them and have the last word with Sir Keir.

No matter that some might be surprised at the choice, as a fiscal and reforming hawk, since few would put him on the same ideological wing of the party as the prime minister. He is also a late joiner to the Starmer project, although joining in opposition spent years longer than some as chair of the business select committee rather than taking more junior roles.

This is now immaterial. He is responsible for making Sir Keir’s government work in practice. His colleagues could do worse than to sincerely wish him good luck and leave him to it, as there is a great deal to be done.